著者
松永 泰行
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.2, pp.87-103, 2001

Within the various theoretical perspectives of Islam, the issue of legitimacy of rule has traditionally been dealt with most notably as that of legitimate ruler. This apparently holds true in the both cases of the theory of the Sunni caliphate, and that of the Shi'ite infallible Imamate. The contemporary debate in the Islamic Republic of Iran over the differing perspectives on the sources of legitimacy of the rule of the jurist (<i>wilayat-i faqih</i>), on which I have previously published an article in this journal, was no exception.<br>In this article, I will further consider the question of legitimacy in Islamic rule by examining the contemporary debate in the Islamic Republic of Iran with the following steps. First, I will start the examination with bearing the following question in mind, that is, is it still convincingly arguable that the issue of legitimacy of rule in an Islamic regime can be adequately dealt with by considering who is the legitimate ruler, even after the establishment of an regime called &ldquo;Islamic republic&rdquo; in Iran? Second, I will attempt to enlarge the scope of the investigation by examining two articles written by Sa'id Hajjarian (b. 1954), a leading non-clerical theoretician of Iran today.<br>After carefully reading the two articles published in <i>Rahbord</i> and '<i>Asr-e Ma</i>, respectively, I will preliminarily conclude that with the establishment of the Islamic Republic, a new perspective on the issue of legitimacy of rule in Islam, that is, the issue of the legitimacy of the <i>regime</i> has been successfully brought into the debate, and that very interestingly, this normative concept concerning the nature of the regime takes a logical precedence over the legitimacy of the ruler in the argument of Sa'id Hajjarian. The article ends with a note that in a future examination, I intend to further critically examine the so-called <i>intikhabi</i> perspective of the legitimacy of the <i>wilayat-i faqih</i> system in light of the expanded debate on the issue.
著者
松永 泰行
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.2, pp.61-79, 1999

<i>Wilayat-i Faqih</i> (henceforth, <i>WF</i>) as a doctrine justifying the rulership of a <i>faqih</i> was developed almost single-handedly by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902-1989) during his exile in Najaf. This doctrine constituted the core of his revolutionary call for the establishment of an Islamic polity by the clerics. After the victory of the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the adoption of a constitution incorporating the doctrine of <i>WF</i>, the claim that a <i>faqih</i> as &ldquo;<i>wali-yi amr</i>&rdquo; has the God-given right to rule the society and that the people must give obedience to him became a matter of real-world significance. This led not only to the heightened efforts to promote the doctrine but also to further theorization and the resultant different interpretations.<br>The key question then became: by whose sanction is the <i>faqih</i> entitled to such commanding authority? On this question (which is technically called the issue of <i>mansha'-i mashru'iyat-i WF</i>), two opposing views were developed among the disciple-followers of Imam Khomeini. They were the <i>intisabi</i> (or <i>mashru'iyat-i ilahi-yi bila-wasitah</i>) view on the one hand, and the <i>intikhabi</i> (or <i>mashru'iyat-i ilahi-mardumi</i>) one on the other, and it was the former that has prevailed.<br>The purpose of this article is two-fold: first to examine the original doctrine of <i>WF</i> as advocated by Ayatollah Khomeini in Najaf in the early years of the 1970s; then to examine the two opposing views &mdash;-<i>intisabi</i> and <i>intikhabi</i>&mdash; on the source of the legitimacy of <i>WF</i> which were developed in Iran after the establishment of the Islamic Republic there. The article ends with some comparison and critical analysis of the two views.
著者
松永 泰行
出版者
一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2005, no.141, pp.1-9,L5, 2005

This issue, comprising of eight research articles and one review article, is focused on &ldquo;the Middle East in International Relations&rdquo; and comes in the midst of another structural change in the international environment of the Middle East. The previous change resulted from the collapse of the Cold War structure on the global level. Although the change affected globally, the Middle East was one of the first to experience its impact through the way the transregional actors reacted to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990. The current structural change, however, is more specific to the region and relates to the latter's relationship with the only remaining superpower, the United States. This time, the change followed the 9/11 attack, which is said to have forced the U. S. policy-makers to fundamentally reconsider the relationship between the U. S. and the Middle Eastern states and societies. How this change in international relations will affect the Middle East as a whole and a multitude of state and subnational actors in the region remains to be seen. Yet the transformative processes apparently have already been under way.<br>The articles assembled here differ from one another in their perspective on the Middle East. Some examine recent developments; others focus on historical relations. For the purpose of this introduction, three different perspectives can be identified.<br>The first perspective concerns the relations between the only superpower and actors in the Middle East. The United States, as a transregional actor, stands out in its resources and capacity and is capable of entering into relations with a host of state and subnational actors in the region. Sakai's article adopts this perspective and examines the mutually collaborative relationships between the U. S. Government and a number of anti-Hussein Iraqi groups before and after the U. S. invasion of Iraq in 2003.<br>The second perspective concerns some types of intra-regional dynamics and developments. Tateyama examines the post-Oslo Accord Peace Process between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. Matsumoto assesses the state of democratization in the region by comparing the party systems in ten Arab states. Yamamoto examines nine Arab states in terms of their policies on controlling internet connections. Kashima's review article examines four theoretically-informed monographs on regional intra-state relations.<br>The third perspective concerns the Middle East as a foreign policy issue. Three articles by Hanzawa, Takayasu, and Okuda, examine British foreign policy historically during separate time periods. All, however, focus on England's dealings with another foreign power of the time on the matters relating to the greater Middle East.
著者
松永 泰行
出版者
一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2012, no.167, pp.167_42-56, 2012

Why has Iran been refusing to comply with the binding U.N. Security Council resolutions and to halt its uranium enrichment program? Why has the apparent cost that it incurs by defying the international community not deterred Iran from furthering its nuclear program? Why has postrevolutionary Iran been opposing the U.S.-led peace processes between Israel and the Palestinians and made it a rule to counter any U.S. influence in the region?<br>In this article, I posit that postrevolutionary Iran's principled opposition to the U.S. is not just rhetoric or an ideologically-driven self-image, but that it may well be considered its self-constructed strategic cultural proclivity. While mindful not to fall into the trap of essentialist or cultural determinist arguments, I find the concept of strategic culture as a context useful. Following scholars such as Stuart Poore, I posit that decision makers perceive and interpret their strategic environment culturally, while what may be considered their constituted strategic culture give meaning to material factors.<br>As a first step toward identifying postrevolutionary Iran's strategic culture, I examine the views of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the paramount leader of the Islamic revolutionary movement and the first head of the postrevolutionary Islamist state, as regards contemporary international relations and the roles of the superpowers therein. Convinced that part of the mission of the Islamic revelation was about providing salvation against oppression and fighting injustice, Khomeini went on to construct postrevolutionary Iran's dominant strategic discourse anchored in the perceived obligation to avoid and counter earthly hegemony or domination. Khomeini preached that Iran must resist the &ldquo;satanic&rdquo; moves of the both superpowers and find only sanctuary under the banner of Islam. While finding it logical and necessary to build and maintain good neighborly and mutually respectful relations among states, Khomeini ruled out submitting to any international hegemon.<br>Iran in its post-Khomeini period continued to maintain its counterhegemonic stance. Ayatollah Khamenei, the successor to Khomeini as the head of the Islamic state of Iran, cultivated its counter-hegemonic strategic culture in part to secure his own authority and build his power base. The strategic alliance constructed between Khamenei and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has proved to perpetuate post-Khomeini-era Iran's anti-American strategic culture.<br>In conclusion, I argue that Iran may be best regarded as a counterhegemon, not an aspiring hegemon and that the kind of power that postrevolutionary Iran has found necessary to possess is not the power for hegemony and domination, but the power to resist and persevere. This proclivity helps explain why Iran has continued its nuclear program despite the cost it incurs by defying the U.N. Security Council resolutions. It also helps explain why it has maintained its principled anti-U.S. stance for the last three decades. It does not, however, seem logical to conclude that Iran's apparent pursuit of the deterrent capabilities through its nuclear or other programs is directly influenced by its counter-hegemonic strategic culture. The argument, nonetheless, supports a view that Iran's strategic posture is almost exclusively defensive and that its apparent pursuit of the means of deterrence should not necessarily be considered posing a threat to the region or the international community.
著者
松永 武三
出版者
社団法人 日本泌尿器科学会
雑誌
日本泌尿器科學會雑誌 (ISSN:00215287)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.11, pp.1209-1224, 1965-11-20 (Released:2010-07-23)
参考文献数
85

1) Seventy-nine cases of congenital sexual abnormalities have been experienced in recent six years (1958-1964).They are 15 cases of female pseudohermaphroditism, 13 male pseudohermaphroditism, 5 true hermaphroditism, 7 gonadal dysgenesis, 4 agonadism, 14 hypergonadotrophic testicular dysgenesis and 21 hypogonadotrophic testicular dysgenesis. Cytogenetical study was made in these patients as well as in normal adult males and females, and patients with hypospadia, cryptorchdism, vaginal defect and hymenal atresia.2) The nuclear chromatin was determined on buccal smears of these patients by the rapid staining method devised by the author.Advantages of this method are ease in securing suitable cells and rapidity and simplicity in preparation. Therefore, it is used in massexamination or screening test for the various sexual abnormalities.3) Chromosomal counts and karyotyping were carried out by the short term method of Moorhead et al. on cultured leucocytes, and the chromosomes were prepared by the air drying method and arranged in seven groups according to their length and centromere position.The classification is a slight modification of the international system of nomenclature of human mitotic chromosomes adopted in 1960 in Denver, Colorado.4) The phenotypic males with hromatin-negative nuclei are revealed in all cases of male pseudo-hermaphroditism, 3 of gonadal dysgenesis, 7 of hypergonadotrophic testicular dysgenesis and in all 21 cases of hypogonadotrophic testicular dysgenesis. The phenotypic females with chromatin-negative nuclei are revealed in 4 cases of gonadal dysgneesis, 4 of agonadism and one of true hermaphroditism, and the phenotypic males with chromatin-positive nuclei are revealed in 3 cases of ture hermaphroditism and 7 of hypergonadotrophic testicular dysgenesis. The phenotypic females with chromatin-positive nuclei are revealed in 15 cases of female pseudohermaphroditism and one of true hermaphroditism.5) Five cases of true hermaphroditism, 6 of gonadal dysgenesis, one of agonadism and 7 of hypergonadotrophic testicular dysgenesis showed abnormal sex karyotype: that is, 4 cases of phenotypic female gonadal dysgenesis and a 45/XO chromosomal constitution. Four cases of true hermaphroditism had the basic diploid number of 46 and an XX sex chromosome constitution and one had a 46/XY. Two cases of the phenotypic male gonadal dysgenesis showed a sex-chromosome mosaicism, which had a 46, 45/XY, XO. Agonadism had a 45/XO chromosomal constitution, and 7 cases of hypergonadotrophic testicular dysgenesis had a 47/XXY.This type of 46, 45/XY, XO mosaicism has not previously been reported.6) The correlation of sex-chromatin patterns and sex chromosome constitution was discussed, hypothetical mechanisms involved in the pathogenesis of abnormal sexual development are reviewed, and the role of chromosomes in human sexual development is briefly discussed.
著者
朽名 夏麿 長谷川 淳子 松永 幸大
出版者
一般社団法人 植物化学調節学会
雑誌
植物の生長調節 (ISSN:13465406)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.2, pp.104-111, 2014-12-20 (Released:2017-09-29)
参考文献数
38

Live imaging was brought about by recent development of fluorescent proteins and innovation of imaging systems. Dynamic analyses of organelle through live imaging reveal the subcellular dynamic function and the spatiotemporally four-dimensional structure. At the same time, quantitative analyses in addition to qualitative analyses become more important in analyses of the huge imaging data. Thus, we introduce our recent works in live imaging of mitochondria, nuclei, vacuolar membrane, and actin filaments in plant cells with our observation skills. Moreover, quantitative analyses of live imaging data were classified into three categories, number, morphology and distribution, three dimensional shape or dynamics. We review these three quantitative analyses.
著者
萩原 康夫 桑原 ゆかり 猪俣 瞳子 松永 雅美 長谷川 真紀子
出版者
富士山科学研究所
雑誌
富士山研究 = Mount Fuji Research (ISSN:18817564)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, pp.29-32, 2019-02-01

富士北麓ではキシャヤスデ(Parafontaria laminata armigera)の仲間であるオビババヤスデ(Parafontaria laminata laminata)の群遊が観察されている。しかし、その周期性や群遊が見られる地域の詳細は明らかにされていない。そこで、2003年10月に群遊が見られた精進口登山道2合目の山小屋周辺を周期解明のための調査定点とし、2004年以降本種の群遊が確認される秋期の9~11月と、同じ個体群が翌年に産卵のために再び群遊する初夏期の5~7月に確認調査を行った。 その結果、2009年の秋期と2010年の初夏期、2015年の秋期と2016年の初夏期に群遊が確認され、本種の群遊は基本的に6年周期で発生するものと推定された。また、本種は富士山麓において広範囲に生息していることが確認されたが、地表面に大多数の成虫が出現する群遊は北西麓の標高1,300~1,800mの範囲に限られていた。
著者
松永 拓己
出版者
熊本大学
雑誌
熊本大学教育学部紀要 = Bulletin of the Faculty of Education, Kumamoto University (ISSN:21881871)
巻号頁・発行日
no.64, pp.213-220, 2015

熊本県の阿蘇は魅力的な観光地であり、特色ある風物の宝庫である. 全国から多くの観光客が訪れている. 阿蘇内牧地区の活性化に取り組むことを求められ、芸術による取り組み(アートな街つくり)を考え2013年度より実施している. 2014年度においては、更なる取り組みを行う. また、阿蘇一の宮の宿泊施設「かんぽの宿」看板絵の制作を依頼された. この宿泊施設の新たな魅力づくりに絵画制作を行う取り組みである. 以上、2つの絵画制作の取り組みを立案、実践をもとに考察するものである.
著者
下山 泰史 丸 章彦 松永 孝治
出版者
日本森林学会
雑誌
日本森林学会大会発表データベース
巻号頁・発行日
vol.125, 2014

【目的】マツ材線虫病に対して種々の防除手法が開発されているが,各手法はそれぞれ異なる特徴を持つ。ここでは、抵抗性マツと樹幹注入剤を併用した場合の防除効果を検討するため,クロマツ苗木を用いた試験を行った。【方法】クロマツ抵抗性品種4家系及び精英樹1家系の苗に、2012年3月に酒石酸モランテル(グリンガード・NEO(ゾエティス・ジャパン(株)))を3段階の濃度で地際部に注入した。同年7月にマツノザイセンチュウ(<i>Bursaphelenchus xylophilus</i>)のアイソレイトSc9,1万頭をシュートに接種した。一部の苗について,線虫接種前に樹体内のモランテル濃度を測定した。2012年12月に苗の発病状況を観察した。【結果】抵抗性家系は精英樹家系より枯死率が低く,これは注入したモランテル濃度が低い場合に顕著であった。酒石酸モランテルを注入した場合,注入濃度の増加に伴い樹体内のモランテル濃度は増加し,苗の枯死率は低下した。これらの結果は抵抗性マツと樹幹注入の併用が防除効果を高めることを示唆した。