著者

早川 史子 前田 昭子 水野 浄子 南 幸 渋谷 里美

出版者

日本食生活学会

雑誌

日本食生活学会誌 (ISSN:13469770)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.2, pp.176-182, 2001-09-30 (Released:2011-01-31)

参考文献数

27

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2000年7月~10月佐賀県の栄養士を対象に茶粥に関する調査を実施し, 次のことが明らかになった1) 茶粥の習俗は佐賀市, 佐賀郡, 小城郡, 藤津郡, 神埼郡, 西松浦郡, 東松浦郡に分布していた. 東松浦郡以外の地域は藩政時代, 鍋島藩の統治下にあった. これらの地域では, 「コメの節約のため朝食に茶粥を食べるように」と強いた藩の命によって食べられるようになったと考えられる.2) 茶粥を食べたことがあると答えた者と食べたことがないと答えた者の間には, 有意差が認められなかった. 食べたことがあると答えた者の中で, 現在も継続して食べている者の割合は, 現在は食べていない者の割合に比べて低く, 佐賀県における茶粥の習慣は薄らいでいることが示唆された.3) 茶粥の呼び名はチャガユ (63%) が最も多く, 次いでチャガイ (18%) であった4) 佐賀県の茶粥には具を入れない場合が多いが, 入れる場合に共通したものはサツマイモと餅である.5) 米の豊富な現在でも茶粥の習慣が残っているのはおいしさと習慣性によるみのと考えられた.

著者

小川 昌文 吉田 孝 尾見 敦子 松井 孝夫 斎藤 隆

出版者

日本音楽教育学会

雑誌

音楽教育学 (ISSN:02896907)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.2, pp.51-59, 2009 (Released:2017-08-08)

参考文献数

1

著者

今池 康人

出版者

経済学史学会

雑誌

経済学史研究 (ISSN:18803164)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.1, pp.1-25, 2020 (Released:2020-10-16)

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This paper examines Michael Polanyi’s views on liberty. Polanyi was a scholar with expertise in several fields of study. He began his academic career as a physical chemist and later became a philosopher. He then studied economics, liberalism, and philosophy. Many researchers have shown interest in his arguments on religion and knowledge. However, an inquiry into his views on liberty is seemingly lacking. Polanyi distinguished between personal (including that classified as negative) and public liberty (including that classified as positive) and believed that we should protect public liberty. His theory comprises three elements. First, Polanyi emphasized moral belief among people living in a free society. He focused on British traditions and suggested that morality is also influenced by British tradition. Second, Polanyi clarified the role played by spontaneous order in society. He placed particular emphasis on an intellectual order (law, science, and so on). In a free society, people’s actions yield better results because their behaviors are mutually adjusted as a function of the spontaneous order. The third premise in Polanyi’s theory asserted that a free society requires that its leaders be professionals, which I call “professionalism.” After writing The Logic of Liberty, Polanyi moved on to other fields of research, such as knowledge, religion, and so on. Here, it should be mentioned that all of Polanyi’s research across various fields is related to his study on liberty. JEL classification numbers: A12, B31.

著者

井手 俊太 月本 光俊 小島 周二

出版者

公益社団法人 日本アイソトープ協会

雑誌

RADIOISOTOPES (ISSN:00338303)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.6, pp.347-357, 2013 (Released:2013-06-28)

参考文献数

9

被引用文献数

1

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ゼオライトやプルシアンブルーに代わる吸着剤として天然に存在する古代貝化石(Ancient Shellfish Fossil,以下ASF)による水中137Csの吸着/除去,動物体内吸収抑制に関する基礎的検討を行った。その結果,ASFの放射性セシウムに対する選択的吸着能が明らかとなった。今後,福島第一原発事故に伴う土壌,焼却灰,汚染水等に含まれる放射性セシウムの吸着・固定さらに,放射能汚染除去作業従事者の人体皮膚表面からの除染への利用を検討する。

著者

鈴木 俊二

出版者

Brewing Society of Japan

雑誌

日本醸造協会誌 (ISSN:09147314)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.10, pp.658-663, 2016 (Released:2018-08-06)

参考文献数

7

被引用文献数

1

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ワイン用のブドウを夜間に収穫(ナイトハーベスト)すると,より優れた品質のワインが醸造できることが経験的に知られている。ブドウの温度が低いうちに収穫することで低温での原料処理が可能となり,酸化や微生物汚染のリスクを低減できるのがナイトハーベストのメリットだと考えられていた。しかし,筆者らのグループは,近年甲州の香気成分の一つとしても注目されているチオール系香気成分の前駆体に着目し,早朝に前駆体量がピークになることを明らかにしている。ナイトハーベストの意義を香気成分の面から明らかにした興味深い研究成果を解説していただいた。

著者

笠井 美希 瀬尾 幹子 関 圭吾

出版者

日本調理科学会

雑誌

日本調理科学会大会研究発表要旨集 平成29年度大会(一社)日本調理科学会

巻号頁・発行日

pp.56, 2017 (Released:2017-08-31)

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【目 的】家庭における食用油を使用した加熱調理において、酸化しにくく、油臭さが少ないことが望まれている。ごま油は熱に強く、安定性に優れた油といわれており、本研究では、焙煎せずに搾油した精製ごま油(かどや製油㈱)の加熱調理における安定性の評価として、フライ調理に用いた際の安定性、おいしさ等について調べた。【方 法】試料は精製ごま油と家庭で一般的によく使われている食用油3種類(キャノーラ油、サラダ油、大豆油)とした。一定条件下でフライ試験を実施し、フライ油の色、酸価、過酸化物価、カルボニル価、アニシジン価を測定して安定性を比較した。また、フライ調理中の油臭及び揚げ直後と冷めた時のフライの官能評価を実施した。官能評価は7段階尺度の採点法で行った。なお、各試料のCDM試験、アクロレイン濃度の測定も行った。【結 果】精製ごま油は他の食用油3種類と比較して、フライ油の色の着色が若干濃くなる傾向がみられた。揚げ回数による酸価、過酸化物価の値には大差がなかった。油脂の加熱による劣化の指標であるカルボニル価、アニシジン価の値は精製ごま油が最も低値であり、加熱劣化の進行がゆるやかであった。フライ調理中の油臭は精製ごま油が最も弱く、不快感が少なかった。官能評価では、精製ごま油を使用したフライはべたつきが少なく、冷めてもおいしいという評価であった。CDM試験の結果より、精製ごま油は自動酸化に対する安定性も良く、アクロレイン濃度の測定結果からアクロレインの発生量も少ないことがわかった。

著者

松本 祥尚 町田 祥弘

出版者

日本監査研究学会

雑誌

現代監査 (ISSN:18832377)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2014, no.24, pp.115-125, 2014-03-31 (Released:2017-06-21)

参考文献数

18

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わが国の四半期レビューは,国際レビュー基準やアメリカのレビュー基準と同様に,質問と分析的手続を中心としながらも,最終成果として業務報告書が強制されたり,継続企業の前提への対応が求められたり,といったわが国固有の特徴を有している。本研究では,そうした状況の下,わが国監査人が,実際に,いかなる対象項目にどのような手続を実施し,最終的にいかなる程度の保証水準を確保したと認識しているのかについて,四半期レビューの業務実施者である監査人(公認会計士)を被験者とする実験的調査を実施した。結果として,監査人は,業績の悪い企業では,主に基本的かつ必須の四半期レビュー手続である質問,分析的手続の実施にウェイトを置いているのに対して,業績の良い企業では,四半期レビュー手続を効率化して,実証手続にヨリ多くの監査資源を割いていることが明らかとなった。

著者

渡邉 恵一

出版者

経営史学会

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.24-45, 2017 (Released:2019-06-30)

被引用文献数

1

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This paper seeks to shed new light on the process by which the modern cane sugar industry in Taiwan came into being and how it became established under Japanese colonial rule. While doing so, the study focusses on the issues involved in shipping raw sugarcane.Taiwan Sugar Manufacturing Company (TSMC), which had developed as a colonial enterprise, planned to become self-sufficient in sugarcane through the use of an extensive company-held plantation. However, in actuality, it continued to rely on purchases from local farmers. Sugarcane is bulky and requires great effort to transport, and the ability to rapidly transport large volumes of sugarcane is critical because the sugar content drops over time after it has been harvested. Hauling sugarcane from farmers in carts pulled by water buffalo to the factory posed a bottleneck for large-scale, continuous production—a characteristic feature of the modern sugar industry.The use of a private steam-powered railway that began operating at the end of 1907 was a goal of TSMC, which, since its founding, had made efforts to gradually improve its sugarcane logistics. These proprietary rail lines integrated the sugarcane production process from harvesting to milling and also contributed to greater profits by improving sugar yields.After the Russo-Japanese War, TSMC continued building its own proprietary rail lines so that it would be able to continue dealing with the problem of rapidly transporting sugarcane from the fields to the factories. The company also successfully undertook the building of an inter-linking transport network among its factories, thus becoming able to adjust sugarcane supply and demand beyond the limitations of the raw-material acquisition zones. TSMC's construction and enhancement of its ground-breaking raw material transport system became a business model for the modern cane sugar industry in Taiwan under Japanese colonial rule, thus stimulating growth in the industry overall as other sugar manufacturers copied them.

著者

工藤 章

出版者

経営史学会

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.3, pp.1-26, 1989-10-30 (Released:2009-11-06)

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Generally, the international transfer of technology occurs from a country posessing a high level of technology to one of a lower level. Prior to the Second World War many German technologies were introduced into Japan. There was, however, at least one case where they tried to transfer Japanese technology to Germany. It was the case of Ostasiatische Lurgi-Gesellschaft mit beschränkter Haftung located in Berlin.The company, Ost Lurgi, was established in March 1926 as a joint venture of Mitsubishi Goshi, Metallgesellschaft and Degussa. The initiator of the establishing Ost Lurgi was Fritz Haber, inventer of the Haber Bosch process, who visited Japan in 1924, thought highly of the standard of Japanese technology and originated a number of proposals for technico-industrial cooperation between Germany and Japan. One of his idealistic proposals gave rise to the establishment contract of Ost Lurgi.The purpose of Ost Lurgi was to transfer Japanese technology to Germany. The Shimazdu process for manufacturing battery cells and ship hull paint owned by Shimazdu Works was the only actual proposal as to Japanese technology. Degussa showed an initial interest, but reached a negative conclusion on this. Metallgesellschaft's dissatisfaction with the contract also deepened. As a result, Ost Lurgi was liquidated in December 1931, when the contract was invalidated. Ironically, in June 1932, the patent right for the Shimazdu process was established in the United States, followed by its transfer in France and Great Britain as well as in the United States, but not in Germany. In the light of the present context of booming Japanese direct investment in West Germany, this failed attempt, however, can be seen as a pioneering technico-industrial endevour, from which there is much still to learn.

著者

幸田 亮一

出版者

経営史学会

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.2, pp.31-62,ii, 1992-07-30 (Released:2009-11-06)

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This study intends to analyze the initiation of mass production technology and its influence on the machine tool industry in Germany at the end of the 19th century.It is still believed, that at the end of the 19th century, mechanical engineering industry in Germany was technologically far behind as compared with the standard of the USA. The “American system of manufacturing” was often used to emphasize the above notion to prejudge the German machine tool industry. However, it is a question to assess whether the development of the German machine tool industry was far behind than that of America.Even in the USA, the sewing machine, one of the typical product of the “American system, ” was made as a hand-made one at the beginning. Sewing machine builders in the USA introduced its mass production upon interchangeable parts in 1870s, after few years of this change, German also began to intoroduce this system. This pattern was also true for industries like bicycle, fire arm and typewriter.In order to make parts for the above machines, it was inevitable to use new kind of machine tools like milling machine or turret lathe. Although these machines were developed by American engineers in the middle of the 19th century, their commercial production commenced even in the USA in the middle of 1860s. After few years later German machine tool builders also started to copy and improve them.In the stage of developing process of the mass production, the machine tool industry played a “convergent” roll not only in the USA but also in Germany. At the beginning of the 20th century, the German machine tool technologies had been developed significantly in order to compete with the American builders in the world market.

著者

幸田 亮一

出版者

経営史学会

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.4, pp.1-24_1, 1999-03-25 (Released:2010-11-18)

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Factory systems changed drastically around the turn of the 19th to 20th century in the Western countries. In the United States many researchers have analyzed the rise of the new factory system, but in Europe on the contrary there are many issues still unsolved. Not a few researchers still believe that the German factory system at that time was far behind that of America. Actually, however, many contemporary scientists and engineers devoted themselves to solving problems related to machinery, industrial psychology, management and so on. In this paper the historical change of the classic factory system to the new one will be examined in the German machine building industry.The first section deals with the new factory system from the view points of architecture, machinery and administration focusing on the great rolls of engineers. Through their activities traditional workshop management was substituted by a kind of “scientific management”. The second section describes the reduction tendency of working hours from the middle of the 19th century to WW1 and then points out the importance of new time management through introducing the American time-recorder. The third section analyzes the relations between the mass production system and the reduction of working hours by using two survey reports of the German metal workers union in 1911 and 1912. Results of these surveys suggest that there were intimate relations between the two.Factory science was well developed in Germany at that time, and it is reasonable enough to consider those engineers who led efforts before WW1 as forerunners of the German rationalization movement of the 1920s.

著者

岡室 博之

出版者

経営史学会

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.2, pp.59-83, 2003-09-25 (Released:2009-11-06)

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The purpose of this paper is to investigate the development of the manufacturer-supplier relationship in the German automotive industry from the 1920s to the 1960s and to examine the continuity (or discontinuity) between the prewar and postwar periods. There has been no detailed historical research on this topic, though the German experience forms an interesting contrast to the American and the Japanese cases.Using original documents mainly from the DaimlerChrysler Archive and focusing on Daimler-Benz, I found that the postwar manufacturer-supplier relationship is quite different from that of the prewar period. While an arm's-length relationship was dominant in the prewar period, with frequent replacement of suppliers and little cooperation on the part of manufacturers, though often concentrating a whole order for a part on a sole supplier, the postwar relationship is more stable and characterized by intensive mutual commitment, with a clear trend to the two-vendor policy.An important turning point in the evolution of the manufacturer-supplier relationship can be found in the wartime economy. Under serious pressures of economic regulation and military production, Daimler-Benz provided suppliers with continuous support and instruction and introduced cooperative product design with selected suppliers. There are reasons to believe that these wartime experiences are related to the postwar development.However, a more direct reason for the postwar changes lies in the new economic environment and experiences in the postwar period, especially the serious shortage of production materials as well as delivery and quality problems of suppliers, combined with the drastic increase in demand for cars. Carmakers had to secure a sufficient parts supply and required the suppliers to keep a large production capacity with enormous capital investment for a longer term, which led necessarily to a stable manufacturer-supplier relationship with mutual commitment.

著者

石崎 亜美

出版者

経営史学会

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.3, pp.3-25, 2015 (Released:2018-03-30)

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This paper aims to examine the brand marks of the soy sauce shipped to Edo city by the Takanashi family (now known as Kikkoman Corporation) in Noda town, and clarify aspects of the Takanashi family's soy sauce brands.The Yamasa Corporation had basically two brand marks during the Edo, Meiji, and Taisho eras. It seems other soy sauce breweries also had few brand marks. Therefore, there has been no study that focuses on brand marks. Meanwhile, the investigation into the Takanashi family clarified they shipped more than ten brand marks for a year during the late Edo era, and shipped 66 brand marks for a year during the Tenpou era. Few soy sauce breweries had as many brand marks as the Takanashi and Mogi families (the Mogi family is related to the Takanashi family). It seems the large number of brand marks is one of their characteristics. Therefore, we identify the differences in their brand marks and explain the reasons for the many brand marks.The prices of the Takanashi family's brands were classified into between three and five categories; the differences in price denoted the quality of raw materials, mixture proportion and quality of unrefined soy sauce. Particularly, they blended unrefined soy sauces that had different ripeness characteristics. This led to the Takanashi family having many brands. Moreover, there were brand marks called tezirushi (hand marks). Tezirushi were sold individually to wholesalers; they were wholesalers' possessive marks. Tezirushi were made by request for wholesalers, and there were instances where different tezirushi contained the same contents. The reason the wholesalers requested tezirushi was that they wanted to differentiate their sauce from other wholesalers. In conclusion, the many brands of the Takanashi family were an expression of their business policy they tried to meet customer needs, which was one of the factors they had maintained, and increase sales in Edo city market.

出版者

経営史学会

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.50-82, 2015 (Released:2018-01-23)

著者

二階堂 行宣

出版者

経営史学会

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.4, pp.4_3-4_24, 2015 (Released:2017-11-10)

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This paper aims to grasp the Japanese government railways' freight operations during the interwar period as an integrated ‘transportation system’, and clarify how it was formed and developed. The ‘transportation system’ here means an integration of policies and measures adopted for freight operations. The analysis covers even the role of individual managers who contributed to freight business reforms, corresponding appropriately to different circumstances at each stage of business procedure.The government railways' freight organization was composed of traditionally separated‘line’ and ‘staff’ sectors, and the former was divided into two: the ‘transportation’ division in charge of train operations, and the ‘wagon distribution’ division in charge of distributing empty wagons and collecting loaded ones. After the 1907 railway nationalization, the new government railways badly needed a nation-wide unified freight system. Moreover, rapid growth of demand due to the boom during the WWI urgently required efficient use of transport capacity. However, the ‘line’ sector hardly coped with the changing circumstances in the 1910s, despite some improvements in ‘staff’ sector. In particular, wagon distribution was controlled by old managers of former private railways, continuing decentralized operations.The 1919 transportation disruption revealed the defects of the old system, and establishing a truly centralized system became the most urgent challenge. Finally, the new Wagon Distribution Division was founded under the Transportation Department of the Ministry of Railways, and skilled experts were called to Tokyo to serve the new headquarters. Frequent adjustments and clear transportation planning were made possible by this reform. Ryukichi Nakayama, an eminent bureaucrat of the Railway Ministry, led the entire reform process and served as the first chief of the new division.Through this reform, a centralized wagon distribution system was established, leading to clear separation of ‘line’ and ‘staff’ sectors, and from this time onward, the rail freight‘transportation system’ at each period was shaped through cooperation and occasional confrontation between the newly established ‘line’ and ‘staff’ sectors.

著者

久保 文克

出版者

経営史学会

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.1_4-1_22, 2014 (Released:2017-11-10)

著者

金 花

出版者

Business History Society of Japan

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.4, pp.4_3-4_28, 2014 (Released:2016-03-28)

参考文献数

46

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High-tech industries have played a role in the rapid development of the Chinese economy. However, few companies that had operated under the planned economy until the liberalization and reforms in 1978 could generate and lead high-tech industries. In this situation, university-industry collaboration was promoted under government backing and has contributed to the development of high-tech industries in China.This study aims to first clarify the actual state and development of university-industry collaboration from the 1990s to the 2000s, and then, to describe the mechanism of university-industry-government collaboration through case studies.Two periods are shown through this study. The first is an era of a direct type of industrial creation in the 1990s, represented by university-run enterprises. This study finds that from the late 1980s to the 1990s, university-run enterprises in China increased rapidly as universities had to acquire research funds on their own because of the government’s fiscal predicament. Moreover, companies were not recipients of technology transfer, and thus, engineers in universities had to commercialize their technologies by themselves. As a result, academia outside the market complemented industry by creating and driving the development of new industries.The second is an era of an indirect type of industrial creation from the 2000s onward. This study shows that in the early 2000s, owing to economic reforms, the direct collaboration between universities and university-run enterprises was discarded and university-run enterprises took the form of university-owned enterprises. Furthermore, this ongoing period emphasizes new technology transfer, as well as incubation facilities such as university-founded science parks. Universities now transfer technologies to outside companies, rather than form companies themselves. Thus, the universities’ role has changed from commercialization of technologies through university-run enterprises to enhancement of competitiveness among companies through technology transfers.

著者

張 楓

出版者

Business History Society of Japan

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.4, pp.4_48-4_73, 2012 (Released:2014-09-10)

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This paper clarifies the growth of the furniture industry during the postwar high-growth period in Bingo Fuchu, where is famous as a production center for high-class marriage furniture. With the increase in income during the postwar high-growth period, there was a growth in the bridal market as well, thereby it lead to an expansion of the high-class marriage furniture market. Against this background, it was evident that Bingo Fuchu had been also rapidly expanding as one of the most famous production centers for high-class marriage furniture in Japan. We consider the following two aspects as being of great significance in the popularizing Bingo Fuchu as a production center for high-class marriage furniture. First, the production system for Bingo Fuchu's original high-class marriage furniture and that for mass products were coexisted and led by backbone manufacturers. This aspect is different from that indicated previous studies which emphasize mechanization and mass production. Further, the creation of a new advanced system (specialized Planning Management Division, enhanced manufacturing facilities, etc.) and enhancing existing provincial cooperation among associated local enterprises made it possible for the production system to be constructed in Bingo Fuchu. Second, in order to construct a new distribution system for increasing sales, a burgeoning production center was necessary, since there were no local wholesalers in Bingo Fuchu. Thus, a new distribution system was constructed as a supplementary to establish wholesalers who played a central function in distribution, as indicated by previous studies; this system was characterized mainly by development of the trade fair business. Initially, certain backbone manufacturers enabled Bingo Fuchu to acquire the reputation of being a production centre of high-class marriage furniture from the end of the 1950's to the beginning of the 1960's. This was done by conducting nationwide exhibitions in reputed furniture stores and winning prizes for excellence on the basis of market evaluation. Further, local trade fairs in Bingo Fuchu led by the unions in the middle of the 60's also played a vital role in the establishment of Bingo Fuchu's reputation. At these trade fairs, a long-term dealing relationship was established between wholesalers and retailers through the disclosure of production information. In addition, almost simultaneously, manufacturer's sales offices were established in Bingo Fuchu as distribution points and sales bases in order to attempt strengthening ties with business partners and customers.

著者

時里 奉明

出版者

Business History Society of Japan

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.2_28-2_48, 2011 (Released:2014-09-10)

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the characteristic of securing and the management of manpower by analyzing the housing policy of a government-owned Yahata ironworks.Yahata ironworks has constructed workman's house before operation begins. The reason was because an area cannot supply a workman with a house.After Yujirou Nakamura assumes the position of the third president, the house is explained as part of the welfare facilities. The purpose of Yahata ironworks's establishing the welfare facilities is to prevent the movement of the workman who had actually faced, and to press established. It was expected of the workman to be skilled because the uneasiness of life was canceled by the welfare facilities, and it worked for a long term. Moreover, it was planned for the workman to live according to Yahata ironworks, and to train the loyalty that even the descendant worked at Yahata ironworks. It does to the welfare policy after the model of the enterprise like an acknowledged Krupp ironworks in Germany.Yahata ironworks makes the residential area, encloses necessary manpower to the region that is, and is crowded. And, Yahata ironworks establishes other welfare facilities in the residential area, and straightens the mechanism that the workman's life is wholly managed. Yahata ironworks will do the welfare policy of the workman supporting entirely with a core of the housing policy.Thus, Yahata ironworks chose the road where the welfare policy of a German enterprise was wholly introduced. If so, it will be able to be said that Yahata ironworks had the historical significance of presenting the shape of new Japanese firm starting with the housing policy.

著者

磯村 昌彦

出版者

Business History Society of Japan

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.4, pp.4_29-4_51, 2011 (Released:2014-05-23)

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The study analyzes a steel plate purchasing system for automobiles, which exists between steel and automobile industries, from the perspective of genetic theory, with a focus on a centralized purchasing system.The centralized purchasing system is a system in which an automaker attempts to procure steel plates not only for its in-house use but also for the use of parts and other manufacturers.The centralized purchasing system differs among automakers. The controlled self-supply method employed by Toyota is the most efficient; how has this method been developed and formulated?Toyota's centralized purchasing system for steel plate procurement began during the World War II. At that time, Toyota was using direct supply method. The company then eventually developed the current efficient controlled self-supply method after twists and turns, including the virtual abandonment of the centralized purchasing system at one point.During such process of development, Toyota's procurement policy that included long-term stability, co-existence and co-prosperity, and self-dependency had been important. The existence of the policy and that of parts manufacturers and Toyota Tsusho Corporation, which developed based on synergistic effects with the policy, has enabled the adoption of the controlled self-supply system.Also, the purpose of the centralized purchasing system has evolved from an initial response to the procurement difficulty of steel plates to the current system with the rationality of competition that excels in “Quality, Cost, and Delivery.”In other words, Toyota's centralized purchasing system has not been based on prior agreement; nor has its development been following a linear path.