著者

入川 義克

出版者

広島大学

雑誌

中等教育研究紀要 (ISSN:09167919)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, pp.41-48, 1995-03-10

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夏休み・冬休みには,まとまった量の問題を解くという課題が多かった。また,授業を振り返ってみても,クラスという学習集団を対象として,数学的な知識・技能を伝達し,解法の過程をあらかじめ予想して進める形態の授業が多かった。限られた時間内で教えなければならない現状を考えれば,このような進め方も必要である。しかし,授業の展開の仕方にもよるが,このような進め方だけでは,多くの生徒にとって受け身の授業になってしまう。生徒の多様な考え方を引き出したり,数学的な考え方や数学に対する興味・関心を高め,生徒が学習の主体者として意欲的に課題に取り組んでいく課題や授業を計画的に取り入れていけば,私達が期待する以上の効果を上げることができる。

著者

阿部 良雄

出版者

美術出版社

雑誌

季刊みづゑ (ISSN:09159363)

巻号頁・発行日

no.942, pp.p60-65, 1987-03

著者

竹園 了元 タケゾノ リョウゲン Takezono Ryogen

出版者

同志社大学人文学会

雑誌

人文學 (ISSN:04477340)

巻号頁・発行日

no.65, pp.64-73, 1963-03-25

著者

児島 喜久雄

出版者

岩波書店

雑誌

世界 (ISSN:05824532)

巻号頁・発行日

no.52, pp.54-58, 1950-04

著者

阿部 良雄

出版者

中央公論新社

雑誌

中央公論 (ISSN:05296838)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.8, pp.118-133, 1971-06

著者

阿部 良雄

出版者

筑摩書房

雑誌

展望

巻号頁・発行日

no.230, pp.p124-146, 1978-02

著者

稲賀 繁美

出版者

〔東京大学教養学部外国語科〕

雑誌

外国語科研究紀要 (ISSN:02869217)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.p59-75, 1989

著者

飯田 昌平

出版者

白鴎大学

雑誌

白鴎女子短大論集 (ISSN:03874125)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.2, pp.112-137, 1989-03

著者

貫井 正納

出版者

一般社団法人日本科学教育学会

雑誌

日本科学教育学会研究会研究報告

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.3, pp.31-34, 1987-03-14

著者

西脇 由弘

出版者

日刊工業出版プロダクション

雑誌

原子力eye (ISSN:13433563)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.9, pp.37-40, 2011-09

著者

奥村 皓一

出版者

はあと出版

雑誌

ニュ-リ-ダ-

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.3, pp.44-46, 2011-03

著者

徳永 哲 江口 雅子

出版者

日本赤十字九州国際看護大学

雑誌

日本赤十字九州国際看護大学intramural research report (ISSN:13478877)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.72-85, 2004-02-28

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本研究は学生の英語リスニング能力を向上させるのに、いかにTOEICのリスニング・セクションPart II及びIIIの問題が使われうるか考察するものである。応答問題のPart II及びIIIの問題を取り上げるのは、コミュニケーションの場における実践につながるリスニング能力を向上させることができ、自然なコミュニケーションにおける応答能力を強化することになると考えられるからである。しかし、リスニング能力に関してまだ未熟な段階にある学生に対してTOEICレベルの問題をさせてみても、リスニング能力が向上するのは非常に難しいと思われる。ではいかにすれば能力向上につなげることができるか。私たち徳永と江口は共同してその方法を研究し、さらに学生に情報提供者になってもらってデータをとって研究を実践した。その研究と実践および結果をここにまとめた。データの対象は2年生のセミナー・グループから成る11名の学生である。データは、リスニング・スキルに関するセルフ・リポート(授業による、学生の進度状況)から成る。授業はリスニング能力向上の為の方法として、3つの活動を取り入れた。1) Warm-up Activity 2) Listening Activity 3) Check-up Activityである。Warm-up Activityでは、事前に学生にヒントを与えた。Listening Activityでは、ディクテーションによりPart II及びIIIの質問文を書きとらせてから、問題のリスニングに集中した。Check-up Activityでは、学生の答えを正し、リスニング能力をチェックした。データとして、週1回の授業で13回分のリスニング・スコアを集積した。冬休みが終わってから、学生にアンケートに答えてもらった。アンケートは、日頃の英語との取り組み方と冬休みのリスニングの宿題との取り組み方に関するものである。アンケートから得たデータによると学生がリスニングに費やした時間はさまざまだった。1月中旬に、再び、学生に同じ練習問題を解いてもらった。受講生の内、5名の学生が、10%から20%の範囲内で、正解率を上げた。5名の中で最も正解率が高かった学生は、70%以上の正解率だった。その学生は冬休みの間、毎日、宿題として課したTOEIC Part II及びIIIの応答問題を長い間、聞いていたことがわかった。我々は練習問題と学生に課した宿題からいい結果を得た。又、長い間、応答問題を聞き続けた結果、一つ一つの単語を聞き取るレベルを超えて、対話全体を聞き取れるレベルになり、リスニング能力が伸びたこともわかった。

著者

酒井聡樹 高田壮則 東樹宏和著

出版者

共立出版

巻号頁・発行日

2012

著者

長谷 直哉

出版者

北海道大学スラブ研究センター

雑誌

スラヴ研究 (ISSN:05626579)

巻号頁・発行日

no.53, pp.267-298, 2006

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After the demise of the Soviet Union, Russia changed from a communist regime to democratic rule. Federalism was chosen to coordinate the center-regional relationship: and Russia was reborn as the "Russian Federation." Recently, various Russian regional researches have been published, since "Rebellion" in the Russian region has often been observed. These provided exhaustive knowledge for Russian regional politics, but few paid attention to the type of relationship that has been built between center (federal government) and region (the components of the Russian Federation). Russia institutionalized the federal political system, which is recognized in most studies on federal political theory. Therefore, we need to explain Russian regional politics from the perspective of federalism, in order to deepen the comprehension of contemporary Russia. The aim of this thesis is to grasp the system of Russian federalism in the framework of comparative federalism. The traditional approaches to federalism are: the constitutional approach, the sociological approach, "the process to integration" approach, and the bargaining approach. While these four approaches provide an explanation that is somewhat effective with respect to federalism, they do not provide a concrete concept for an adequate comparison. Ronald Watts, who is one of the pioneers of comparative federalism, succeeded in resolving the problem of how to combine the multifarious factors of a federal state. He clarified the definition of federalism, and conceptionalized the following six features of a federal political system: 1. Two orders of government each acting directly on their citizens 2. A formal constitutional distribution of legislative and executive authority and allocation of revenue resources between the two orders of government ensuring some areas of genuine autonomy for each order 3. Provision for the designated representation of distinct regional views within the federal policy-making institutions, usually provided by the particular form of the federal second chamber 4. A supreme written constitution not unilaterally amendable and requiring the consent of a significant proportion of the constituent units 5. An umpire (in the form of courts or provision for referendums) to rule on disputes between governments 6. Processes and institutions to facilitate intergovernmental collaboration for those areas where governmental responsibilities are shared or inevitably overlap (Ronald Watts, Comparing Federal Systems, McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999, pp. 6-7) What kind of conclusions can be deduced when analyzing Russian federalism based on Watts's framework? I examined the jurisdiction between governments, the allocation of fiscal power, the functions of the senate, the constitutional amendment procedures, the role of constitutional courts, and the intergovernmental relations in comparison with other federal states. In the field of jurisdiction, the Russian federal government has never had wide-ranging power. However, the constitutional provision (Article 70, f): "the establishment of the fundamentals of federal policy and federal programs in thc spheres of state, economic, ecological, social, cultural and national development of the Russian Federation" can confer a power that can interfere in regional jurisdiction. Various powers are allocated in joint jurisdiction, but consensus building between governments is still unstable. With respect to fiscal matters, revenue resources allocated to the regions are larger than the average allocation in other federal states, but the fiscal gap between regions is very serious in Russia. Now, Putin's reform is pushing to change fiscal federalism. The aim of this reform is to clarify the fiscal responsibility of governments. It is possible that the reform causes regions' fiscal dependence on the federal budget because most regions do not have sufficient fiscal resources. And thus, the Russian Senate (Federal Council) holds an unstable institutional position. The Duma can override the veto of the senate, and the president can also enact law by decree. Since Putin's reform, the influence of the senate on the policy-making process continues to weaken; however, the senate is maintaining its status as the organ of regional representatives. In Russia, it is extremely difficult to amend the constitution, and the rigidity assures federalism. Federal government basically intends to recentralize the Russian Federation. However, the rigidity should protect the principles of federalism. The Russian constitutional court tends to deliver judgments including contents to defend federal jurisdictions. However, the court always tries to remain neutral in political conflicts among other federal, and regional organs. For example, the resolution, which was decided on 18 July 2003, repelled interference in the judiciary by the federal executive branch. Generally, the federal President takes the initiative in intergovernmental relationship construction because the Federal President is able to deal with center-regional problems flexibly through promulgation of the presidential decree. The federal government continues to exert pressure on regional governments, and it is difficult to reorganize regional political regimes. Therefore, stability of the Russian federal political system is inclined to depend on presidential influences. However, this system satisfies Watts's six features: I can confirm that the rigidity of the constitution, the independence of the constitutional courts, and the principle of regional representatives in the senate help to maintain federalism. The Russian federal political system seems to be wavering and is dependent on presidential initiative, but it does have the robustness of a constitutional system. The intergovernmental relations have been repeatedly transformed since 1993, but the principle of federalism has not changed.

著者

長谷 直哉

出版者

北海道大学スラブ研究センター

雑誌

スラヴ研究 (ISSN:05626579)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, pp.267-298, 2006

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After the demise of the Soviet Union, Russia changed from a communist regime to democratic rule. Federalism was chosen to coordinate the center-regional relationship: and Russia was reborn as the "Russian Federation." Recently, various Russian regional researches have been published, since "Rebellion" in the Russian region has often been observed. These provided exhaustive knowledge for Russian regional politics, but few paid attention to the type of relationship that has been built between center (federal government) and region (the components of the Russian Federation). Russia institutionalized the federal political system, which is recognized in most studies on federal political theory. Therefore, we need to explain Russian regional politics from the perspective of federalism, in order to deepen the comprehension of contemporary Russia. The aim of this thesis is to grasp the system of Russian federalism in the framework of comparative federalism. The traditional approaches to federalism are: the constitutional approach, the sociological approach, "the process to integration" approach, and the bargaining approach. While these four approaches provide an explanation that is somewhat effective with respect to federalism, they do not provide a concrete concept for an adequate comparison. Ronald Watts, who is one of the pioneers of comparative federalism, succeeded in resolving the problem of how to combine the multifarious factors of a federal state. He clarified the definition of federalism, and conceptionalized the following six features of a federal political system: 1. Two orders of government each acting directly on their citizens 2. A formal constitutional distribution of legislative and executive authority and allocation of revenue resources between the two orders of government ensuring some areas of genuine autonomy for each order 3. Provision for the designated representation of distinct regional views within the federal policy-making institutions, usually provided by the particular form of the federal second chamber 4. A supreme written constitution not unilaterally amendable and requiring the consent of a significant proportion of the constituent units 5. An umpire (in the form of courts or provision for referendums) to rule on disputes between governments 6. Processes and institutions to facilitate intergovernmental collaboration for those areas where governmental responsibilities are shared or inevitably overlap (Ronald Watts, Comparing Federal Systems, McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999, pp. 6-7) What kind of conclusions can be deduced when analyzing Russian federalism based on Watts's framework? I examined the jurisdiction between governments, the allocation of fiscal power, the functions of the senate, the constitutional amendment procedures, the role of constitutional courts, and the intergovernmental relations in comparison with other federal states. In the field of jurisdiction, the Russian federal government has never had wide-ranging power. However, the constitutional provision (Article 70, f): "the establishment of the fundamentals of federal policy and federal programs in thc spheres of state, economic, ecological, social, cultural and national development of the Russian Federation" can confer a power that can interfere in regional jurisdiction. Various powers are allocated in joint jurisdiction, but consensus building between governments is still unstable. With respect to fiscal matters, revenue resources allocated to the regions are larger than the average allocation in other federal states, but the fiscal gap between regions is very serious in Russia. Now, Putin's reform is pushing to change fiscal federalism. The aim of this reform is to clarify the fiscal responsibility of governments. It is possible that the reform causes regions' fiscal dependence on the federal budget because most regions do not have sufficient fiscal resources. And thus, the Russian Senate (Federal Council) holds an unstable institutional position. The Duma can override the veto of the senate, and the president can also enact law by decree. Since Putin's reform, the influence of the senate on the policy-making process continues to weaken; however, the senate is maintaining its status as the organ of regional representatives. In Russia, it is extremely difficult to amend the constitution, and the rigidity assures federalism. Federal government basically intends to recentralize the Russian Federation. However, the rigidity should protect the principles of federalism. The Russian constitutional court tends to deliver judgments including contents to defend federal jurisdictions. However, the court always tries to remain neutral in political conflicts among other federal, and regional organs. For example, the resolution, which was decided on 18 July 2003, repelled interference in the judiciary by the federal executive branch. Generally, the federal President takes the initiative in intergovernmental relationship construction because the Federal President is able to deal with center-regional problems flexibly through promulgation of the presidential decree. The federal government continues to exert pressure on regional governments, and it is difficult to reorganize regional political regimes. Therefore, stability of the Russian federal political system is inclined to depend on presidential influences. However, this system satisfies Watts's six features: I can confirm that the rigidity of the constitution, the independence of the constitutional courts, and the principle of regional representatives in the senate help to maintain federalism. The Russian federal political system seems to be wavering and is dependent on presidential initiative, but it does have the robustness of a constitutional system. The intergovernmental relations have been repeatedly transformed since 1993, but the principle of federalism has not changed.

著者

竹本 亨 鈴木 明宏

出版者

山形大学

雑誌

山形大学紀要. 社会科学 (ISSN:05134684)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.1, pp.31-61, 2008-07-31

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概要:本稿は、現在の地方交付税制度とオーストラリアの財政調整制度を日本に取り入れた場合との比較を行った。地方交付税による国から都道府県と市町村への財政移転をオーストラリア型に置き換えた場合をシミュレーションし、47都道府県と3,200市町村の財政格差がどのようになるか分析した。その結果、調整の原資が十分な場合には、オーストラリア型財政調整は行政コストを考慮した歳入の格差を縮小させることが分かった。

著者

金場 敏憲

出版者

公益社団法人日本放射線技術学会

雑誌

日本放射線技術學會雜誌 (ISSN:03694305)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.16-26, 1982-01-01

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Standard base lines in skull radiography are important technical factors for high quality reproduction of a radiogram. However, in current texbooks of radiology and radiography, at least 11 base lines have been described for skull radiography. The definition of these base lines has been by no means uniform or precise among the various authors. In our attempt for some standardization, two fundametal base lines, the ABL and the OMBL were chosen and upon a study of their histological development, the present status of their clinical use in various countries were analyzed. We also investigated about the reference point considered in those base lines. The difference in the angle taken for the ABL and the OMBL estimation has been described in the literature, as being 10 degree, but we found that this angle measured over the skin surface varied widely among individuals ranging from 9 to 16 degree. Thus, we concluded that accurate standardization of radiographic base lines are essential for an improvement of skull radiography. Our results indicated the need to recognize existing differences on reference points or lines taken on the skin surface or over the bone position.

著者

飯野 友里恵 森谷 友昭 高橋 時市郎

出版者

画像電子学会

雑誌

研究会講演予稿 (ISSN:02853957)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.256, pp.49-52, 2011-03-11

著者

飯野 友里恵 森谷 友昭 高橋 時市郎

出版者

一般社団法人 画像電子学会

雑誌

画像電子学会研究会講演予稿 (ISSN:02853957)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.49-52, 2011

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モーションキャプチャシステムを用いて取得されたデータを利用して,ストリートダンスの動作解析を行った.ダンス経験者と初心者のモーションデータを取得し,その違いが数値的に表れているか,特徴抽出を試みた.解析結果によれば,上級者との違いを初心者へ伝達し,練習効率を高めるための処理とシステム化を検討したので,報告する.

著者

香川 豊宏 西明 仁 瀬々 良介 三輪 邦弘 田代 陽美子 小川 和久 和田 忠子 湯浅 賢治 坂元 英知 市原 隆洋 原田 理恵 太田 隆介

出版者

福岡歯科大学学会

雑誌

福岡歯科大学学会雑誌 (ISSN:03850064)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.4, 2001-12-30

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近年ネットワーク上でのWebテキストが色々検討されてきており,当大学においても教育用データベースのサーバーが設置されて数年が経過している。しかしその内容はHTMLによるテキストやJPEG画像のみの教科書的なサイト運営に留まっており,インターネットの持つ双方向メディアとしての能力が十分に発揮されていないのが現状である。しかし,現在利用可能な最新のインターネット技術を用いれば,従来の印刷物をこえる双方向メディアとしてのWebテキストになることは十分に期待できる。そこで今回はフリーソフトであるGifBuilder1.0を用いてgifアニメーションのWebテキストへの利用を検討した。今回は二等分法についてのGifアニメーションを用いたコンテンツ作成を試みた。その結果Gifアニメーションを作成する場合にはフレームレートを1/100S〜100/100Sまで自由に選べるが,1/30S〜1/50Sに設定するのがアニメーションのスピードとして適切と思われた。また,画像の転送スピードを考慮して一つのアニメーションのファイル容量は100kbyte前後が望ましいと思われる。100kbyteであれば,あくまでも計算上ではあるがISDN128kbpsのネットワークで5秒以内の転送時間でアニメーションを読み込むことが可能である。またHTMLの一つであるイメージマップを用いることによりX線画像の解剖についての学習も行いやすいと思われた。今後はR-ASHやMPEGによる動画などをコンテンツに加え,学生が自己学習しやすいようなWebテキストを開発していきたい。