著者

澤井 充生

出版者

首都大学東京都市教養学部人文・社会系 東京都立大学人文学部

雑誌

人文学報 (ISSN:03868729)

巻号頁・発行日

no.438, pp.35-61, 2011-03

著者

高 明潔

出版者

愛知大学国際問題研究所

雑誌

愛知大学国際問題研究所紀要 (ISSN:05157781)

巻号頁・発行日

no.128, pp.21-48, 2006-09

出版者

国立国会図書館

巻号頁・発行日

no.(638), 2004-03

著者

関口 泰由

出版者

日本大学大学院総合社会情報研究科

雑誌

日本大学大学院総合社会情報研究科紀要 (ISSN:13461656)

巻号頁・発行日

no.5, pp.68-78, 2005-02

著者

土屋 紀義

出版者

国立国会図書館調査及び立法考査局

雑誌

レファレンス (ISSN:00342912)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.3, pp.38-63, 2004-03

著者

菅野 博史

出版者

東洋哲学研究所

雑誌

東洋学術研究 (ISSN:02876086)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.1, pp.95-117, 2000-05

著者

川口 幸大

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

日本文化人類学会研究大会発表要旨集

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, pp.12, 2010

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この分科会では、共産党による統治のもと60年を経た今日の中国社会において宗教がいかなる諸相にあるのかを、キリスト教、イスラーム教、チベット仏教、民間信仰についての共産党の政策と、人々の具体的ないとなみに着目しつつ議論する。

著者

王 柯

出版者

日本国際問題研究所

雑誌

国際問題 = International affairs (ISSN:04523377)

巻号頁・発行日

no.675, pp.38-48, 2018-10

著者

佐藤 克之 野田 伸一 Miguwe David K. Ziro Gideon N. Muhoho Ngethe D.

出版者

長崎大学熱帯医学研究所

雑誌

熱帯医学 Tropical medicine (ISSN:03855643)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.4, pp.197-202, 1985-12-28

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ビルハルツ住血吸虫症の流行地であるケニア国クワレ地区ムワチンガ村において,住民によく利用されている水系から,特に利用頻度の高い2ケ所(Site 6,Site 19)を選び,水中のセルカリア密度を,Prentice(1984)の方法を用いて測定した。さらにセルカリアの種を同定するために,4匹ずつの未感染ハムスターを調査地の水に暴露し,約3カ月後剖検して住血吸虫の感染の有無について調べた.Site 6では,401の水からわずかに1隻のセルカリアが回収されただけで,4匹のハムスターには,いずれも住血吸虫の感染は見られなかった.これに対して,Site 19では81の水から231隻のセルカリアが検出され,また4匹のハムスターからも,合計31個体の住血吸虫成虫(雄20,雌11)が回収された.これらのハムスターの肝臓には多数の住血吸虫卵が見い出され,形態学的特徴からビルハルツ住血吸虫のものと同定された.住血吸虫症流行地のいろいろな水系の水の危険度を測定する際のセルカリオメトリーの有用性について考察した.

著者

須賀 由紀子

出版者

実践女子大学

雑誌

実践女子大学生活科学部紀要 = Bulletin of Jissen Women's University, Faculty of Human Life Sciences (ISSN:13413244)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, pp.77-89, 2013-03-10

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The purpose of this study was to consider how to get back the real power of the children'sown culture in their daily life. To play innocently was considered to be a matter of greatimportance for their healthy growing, but today's modernized life reduced the time for them toenjoy their own culture with their heart pounding. To think about this issue, the authorcaptured the possibility of physical education in the elementary school.The analysis first showed the value of time for the children to play sufficiently from theviewpoint of physical development and inner experience. Secondly it treated with the findingsthat today's class of physical education showed strong inclinations to stress on having thestudents experience that sport is essentially full of fun. These considerations suggested that theclass of physical education could be the chance to get the power of children's own culture andwe needed to pay attention about the ability of the teacher for bringing up their students' playmind.The conclusion was that the teacher's attitude of loving sports could be a key to reconstructthe power of the children's own culture and good for creating the quality life.

著者

須賀 由紀子

出版者

実践女子大学

雑誌

実践女子大学生活科学部紀要 (ISSN:13413244)

巻号頁・発行日

no.50, pp.77-89, 2013-03

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The purpose of this study was to consider how to get back the real power of the children'sown culture in their daily life. To play innocently was considered to be a matter of greatimportance for their healthy growing, but today's modernized life reduced the time for them toenjoy their own culture with their heart pounding. To think about this issue, the authorcaptured the possibility of physical education in the elementary school.The analysis first showed the value of time for the children to play sufficiently from theviewpoint of physical development and inner experience. Secondly it treated with the findingsthat today's class of physical education showed strong inclinations to stress on having thestudents experience that sport is essentially full of fun. These considerations suggested that theclass of physical education could be the chance to get the power of children's own culture andwe needed to pay attention about the ability of the teacher for bringing up their students' playmind.The conclusion was that the teacher's attitude of loving sports could be a key to reconstructthe power of the children's own culture and good for creating the quality life.The purpose of this study was to consider how to get back the real power of the children'sown culture in their daily life. To play innocently was considered to be a matter of greatimportance for their healthy growing, but today's modernized life reduced the time for them toenjoy their own culture with their heart pounding. To think about this issue, the authorcaptured the possibility of physical education in the elementary school.The analysis first showed the value of time for the children to play sufficiently from theviewpoint of physical development and inner experience. Secondly it treated with the findingsthat today's class of physical education showed strong inclinations to stress on having thestudents experience that sport is essentially full of fun. These considerations suggested that theclass of physical education could be the chance to get the power of children's own culture andwe needed to pay attention about the ability of the teacher for bringing up their students' playmind.The conclusion was that the teacher's attitude of loving sports could be a key to reconstructthe power of the children's own culture and good for creating the quality life.

著者

菅原 純

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.2, pp.279-287, 2004-09

著者

片岡 一忠

出版者

大阪教育大学歴史学研究室

雑誌

歴史研究 (ISSN:03869245)

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.p21-45, 1983

著者

黒岩 高

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.9, pp.1499-1521,1588, 2002

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Known as the greatest incident in Chines Muslim history, the Muslim rebellion in the Shaanxi and Gansu provinces (1862-1878) has also attracted attention as being one of the peasantry rebel. lions near the end of the Qing dynasty. However, by analyzing the outbreak and spread of the rumors frequently occurring before and during the rebellion, a different image of the Muslim re bellion can be conceived, There was orderly discipline between Han and Hui in the Wei River area before the rebellion, even though occasional strife, such as feuds, and a strong sense of having a different culture and society among each other existed. Focusing on the change of content of the rumors, the Muslim riots in the Wei River area in 1862 was the outbreak of the Han and Hui differentiating each other and destroying the order that had existed between them. Each society fighting for its survival, it can be said that this rebdlion had the characteristic of an "ethnic conflict". Also taking into account of the impact and spread. ing process of the "Wash away Muslims" rumors on the Han and Hui societies, this rebellion was closely related to the formation of militias. Occurring a midst of the militarization process, the Muslim rebellion of the Wei River area shared aspects similar to the other rebellions occurred all over China in this period.

著者

菅原 純

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.2, pp.279-287, 2004-09

著者

伊藤 寿和

出版者

日本女子大学

雑誌

日本女子大学紀要. 文学部 = Journal. Faculty of Humanities (ISSN:02883031)

巻号頁・発行日

no.68, pp.69-83, 2019-03-20

著者

伊藤 寿和

出版者

日本女子大学

雑誌

日本女子大学紀要. 文学部 = Journal. Faculty of Humanities (ISSN:02883031)

巻号頁・発行日

no.68, pp.69-83, 2019-03-20

著者

黒岩 高

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.3, pp.421-455, 2004-12

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The Muslim rebellion that arose in Northwest China between 1862 and 1878 is one of the most momentous series of events in Chinese Muslim history. Although it has mostly attracted attention as a symbol of the century of revolt, regional differences within the rebellion has yet to be sufficiently argued. By focusing on the rebellion's local character, this paper aims to offer a new perspective on the rebellion itself, proposing an approach for correlating regional characteristics with the religious basis of the Chinese Muslim society. This paper focuses on the areas of Shangxi and Gansu, for each shows distinctive regional differences. Through an examination of the roles played by rebellion leaders in each region regarding the maintenance of local social order, the following can be conceived.The Muslim society of Shangxi was characterized by Xue (学), based on a tradition of Islamic Holy scripture scholarship. And the recognition of Ahongs, the leaders of the community, was grounded in an understanding of scripture with concerns exclusively on sustaining the ethical standard of their own community. Therefore, they did not participate in the non-Muslim social order and had no intent to coordinate cooperation with other communitiesOn the other hand, the Menhuan shaykhs of Gansu formed networks within a fluid Jiao (教) society; and out of a necessity to manage their community alliances, they took authority over various mundane matters and leaned towards regional integration. In addition, local administrators hoped to take advantage of them and set the conditions under which they would become the leaders within the local order.It is hardly a coincidence that the local aspects of Muslim society produced a rebellion in Xue Muslim society that was rather separatist, while producing an uprising with characteristics tending towards regional integration in Jiao Muslim society. Thus, it can be said that the rebellions in Shangxi and Gansu possessed different relevance, each reflecting local circumstances. In this respect, what has been said about unity and solidarity within rebellions should be at least questioned in the future study of them.

著者

中西 竜也

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.584-553, 2002-12

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Works of Chinese Islamic literature that frequently came to be written in the time of the late-Ming and Qing dynasties were translations of the contents of Arabic and Persian literature into Chinese, and this body of literature might lead us to suppose that the Sinification of Islam had occurred (a departure from the original meaning of the texts resulting from the authors' attempts to write to suit the Chinese environment and of the influence of the ideological permeation of the three faiths, Buddhism, Confucianism and Daoism, ). Heretofore, certain elements of Sinification in regard to the theory of Sufism have to a certain extent been made clear, but those aspects concerned with practical application of various themes have hardly been addressed. Thus l have examined those aspects and the background of this Sinification in terms of the arguments concerning the shaykh, the leader of Sufism, in Chinese Islamic literature and have come to the following conclusions. Because it was rare that anyone might be identified a shaykh in the sphere of Wang Dai-yu 王岱輿, Maqsad-i Aqsa, which was widely read in China, on the possibility of exceptions to the general principle of the need for a shaykh. Yu Hao-zhou 余浩洲 placed the attainment of knowledge as the first of the maqamat stations of spiritual training, in his arrangement of the various virtues of the Mirsad and Maqsad. In expounding its importance, Ma Zhu 馬注 also explicated the process of spiritual purification based on the Mirsad, but took the attainment of knowledge as the standard method of spiritual purification on the basis of some unspecified scripture. These attitudes that emphasized knowledge were contrary to view expressed in the Mirsad, but they agreed with requirement of the attainment of knowledge advocated by the A-hong 阿訇, who were the teachers closest to the authors and readers of Islamic literature in Chinese, and who solely taught interpretative reading of Arabic and Persian texts without instructing their students in spiritual training. It may be claimed that in Yu's device of creating one's own maqamat suitable to an individual's own environment was a sort of sinification. Although Wang, Ma, Yu, and later Liu Zhi 劉智, failed to address the rule of the Mirsad that had set the silsila, spiritual chain stretching back to Muhammad, as a precondition for a being shaykh, but, in this may be seen as their intention of opening the qualificationof shaykh to the A-hong, who lacked the silsila.

著者

中西 竜也

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.553-584, 2002-12-31

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Works of Chinese Islamic literature that frequently came to be written in the time of the late-Ming and Qing dynasties were translations of the contents of Arabic and Persian literature into Chinese, and this body of literature might lead us to suppose that the Sinification of Islam had occurred (a departure from the original meaning of the texts resulting from the authors' attempts to write to suit the Chinese environment and of the influence of the ideological permeation of the three faiths, Buddhism, Confucianism and Daoism, ). Heretofore, certain elements of Sinification in regard to the theory of Sufism have to a certain extent been made clear, but those aspects concerned with practical application of various themes have hardly been addressed. Thus l have examined those aspects and the background of this Sinification in terms of the arguments concerning the shaykh, the leader of Sufism, in Chinese Islamic literature and have come to the following conclusions. Because it was rare that anyone might be identified a shaykh in the sphere of Wang Dai-yu 王岱輿, Maqsad-i Aqsa, which was widely read in China, on the possibility of exceptions to the general principle of the need for a shaykh. Yu Hao-zhou 余浩洲 placed the attainment of knowledge as the first of the maqamat stations of spiritual training, in his arrangement of the various virtues of the Mirsad and Maqsad. In expounding its importance, Ma Zhu 馬注 also explicated the process of spiritual purification based on the Mirsad, but took the attainment of knowledge as the standard method of spiritual purification on the basis of some unspecified scripture. These attitudes that emphasized knowledge were contrary to view expressed in the Mirsad, but they agreed with requirement of the attainment of knowledge advocated by the A-hong 阿訇, who were the teachers closest to the authors and readers of Islamic literature in Chinese, and who solely taught interpretative reading of Arabic and Persian texts without instructing their students in spiritual training. It may be claimed that in Yu's device of creating one's own maqamat suitable to an individual's own environment was a sort of sinification. Although Wang, Ma, Yu, and later Liu Zhi 劉智, failed to address the rule of the Mirsad that had set the silsila, spiritual chain stretching back to Muhammad, as a precondition for a being shaykh, but, in this may be seen as their intention of opening the qualificationof shaykh to the A-hong, who lacked the silsila.