著者

高田 修

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.253, pp.1-38, 1968-03-30

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1. Introduction. 2. Priest Kūkai's Rôle in Building the Lecture Hall and Setting up its Statues. 3. The Twenty-one Statues in the Lecture Hall and their Arrangement. a. Identification of the Statues, Especially of a Group of Five Bodhisattvas. b. The Original Arrangement. 4. A Unique Mandala-like Composition of Twenty-one Statues and the Mandala for the Benevolent King Sutra Ritual. a. An Outline of the Usual Mandala for the Benevolent King Sutra Ritual. b. A Group of Five Vidyārājas in the Lecture Hall and in the Mandala System. c. A Group of Five Bodhisattvas and their Relation to the Five Quarter Bodhisattvas in the same System. d. Iconography of the Guardian Image in the Lecture Hall: Brahmā and Indra, and Four Lokapālas. 5. The Original Vajrayānistic Meanings of the Images in the Lecture Hall. 1. The construction of the Lecture Hall of the Tōji (Kyōōgokuji) was started in 825 and was completed toward the end of 834 under the supervision of Priest Kūkai. In 1486 the original hall was destroyed by fire and the present one was rebuilt after that time. But it seems that the latter retains the original dimensions rather well. Housed in the building are five Buddhas, five Bodhisattvas, five Vidyārājas, Brahmā and Indra, and four Lokapālas. Except for the six images (five Buddhas and the central Bodhisatt. va), the rest of the existing statues are originals made in the ninth century for this hall. Although they contain repaired parts, they occupy a very important position in the history of Japanese art as the earliest works of sculpture of Esoteric Buddhism. These statues are orderly arranged and form a three-dimensional Karma-mandala. It has long been said to be a mandala particular to the Jênwang-ching (Benevolent King Sutra) ritual. But it does not necessarily correspond with its Kalpa (ritual practice manual), Jên-wang-ching-i-kuei (Taisho 994), the translation of which into Chinese is attributed to Amoghavajra, thus causing some present-day scholars to doubt this theory. The author of the present paper attempts to reexamine the arrangement of the statues in the hall and to determine the peculiarity of the plan of the mandala and its Esoteric Buddhist singnificance by refering to many historical documents and Buddhist literary materials. 2. While the Tōji was under construction it was given to Kūkai by the imperial court in 823. The construction of the Lecture Hall was his first task in the Tōji. But the plan of the architecture had already been settled by the court and it seems that he just followed it. What he could do to realize his own ideals based on the new religion which he had brought from T'ang China was in the plan of the design of the mandala consisting of the statues in the Lecture Hall. Therefore, though their completion took place in 829, four years after his death, the selection, form and arrangement of the statues could safely be said to have been the innovation of Kūkai himself. 3. The twenty-one statues in the hall have had traditional names since an early date. As for most of the images, the identification yields no room for question. But in the case of the five Bodhisattavas the identification is not yet settled. According to the author, they are the head Bodhisattvas of the five sections of Vajradhātu-mandala. Four of these five Bodhisattvas show forms identical with or very close to those of the Catur-mudrā-mandala (one of the nine subsidiary mandalas of the Vajradhātu). But the central one, Vajrapāramitā (Vajravajri), seems to be based on the Bodhisattva of the same name in the Kalpa of the Jên-wang-ching. The present arrangement of the twenty-one statues is what was formed after the fire in the fifteenth century and it cannot be regarded as the original one. As for the arrangement before the fire, there exist today three drawings of plans of the tenth, twelfth and fourteenth centuries respectively. It is to be noted that there are some differences even among these three drawings. These differences must have been due to the changed arrangements which took place when large-scale repair programs were carried out. The oldest one among the three drawings (dated 922), which was made by Shinjaku, differs clearly from the others in that the positions and combinations of the images are quite rational. For instance, it places the three corresponding deities, Aksobhya (Buddha), Vajrasattva (Bodhisattva) and Trailokyavijaya (Vidyārāja) in the direction of the southeast. This sort of rational arrangement must have been the original idea of the initial planner whose design was intended to form a unified mandala. Moreover, it is noteworthy that this drawing was made no later than about eighty years after the completion of these statues. It shows most probably their original arrangement. 4. The next question is what kind of mandala was intended to be composed here. Is the heretofore most prevailing theory that it was a Jênwang-ching mandala acceptable? Roughly speaking, there are two types of Jên-wang-ching mandala : one consisting of five Bodhisattvas based on the Jên-wang-ching sutra of the older translation, and the other in which the main images are the five Vidyārājas formed after the practice manual of the Jên-wang-ching of the later translation. Both of these were used in the ritual practice for such purposes as promoting peace and welfare in the state as well as for overcoming supposed enemies. But, the arrangement of deities in the Lecture Hall of the Tōji cannot be regarded as a usual Jên-wang-ching mandala as it includes five Buddhas which are referred to neither in the sutra nor the practice manual of it, and as the five Bodhisattvas here are the head Bodhisattvas of the Vajradhātu-mandala. Here we should pay attention to a set of five ink drawings attributable to the five-direction deities mentioned in Jên-wang-ching. They are supposed to have been brought back from China by Kūkai and are now preserved in the Daigoji and in the Tōji in the shape of faithful copies. They illustrate one by one the deities of the five directions—the four cardinal directions and the center-each treating two Bodhisattvas (the Vajrapāņi type and the usual type), one Vidyārāja, and one of the five guardian deities (Indra and four Lokapālas). For the most part, they correspond to the range of deities in the Lecture Hall of the Tōji and, in addition to that, the five Vidyārājas illustrated here have almost the same form as those in the Lecture Hall. We might safely assume that the kinds of deities in the Lecture Hall were determined in reference to this set of drawings. If this is true, the general idea shows that it was derived from the Jên-wang-ching mandala. The problem here, however, is that the five Bodhisattvas in the Lecture Hall take the appearence of the head Bodhisattvas of Vajradhātu-mandala as mentioned above and do not correspond with the five Bodhisattvas referred to in the practice manual of Jên-wang-ching sutra. But, the central one, Vajrapāramitā is apparently a Bodhisattva of this sutra and the others also embody some elements which can be connected with the Jên-wang-ching ritual. Moreover, according to the doctrine of Esoteric Buddhism, these five Bodhisattvas correspond to the five Bnddhas and the five Vadyārājas concerned. In other words, the primary images in the Lecture Hall, consisting of three groups of five deities, are nothing but the five substantial Buddhas and their two types of transfiguration, the Bodhisattvas as instructive being and the Vadyārājas as protectors. This indicates that the primary images in the Lecture Hall of the Tōji have dual characteristics based on the Vajradhātu ritual and the Jên-wang-ching ritual. As to the six guardian figures, five of them (Indra and four Lokapālas) follow what is mentioned in Jên-wang-ching. The other guardian figure, Brahmā, was probably added to make a symmetrical arrangement and to retain the traditional combination of Indra and Brahmā. Thus this mandala formed by the twenty-one orderly arranged statues has a double meaning, yet the system of Jên-wang-ching mandala is predominant. 5. All the signs point to the likelihood that the planner of such a mandala system cannot but have been Kūkai. Certainly Kūkai must have prepared several tentative plans for the arrangement of the deities in the Lecture Hall. A unique mandala called “Daishi Honzon Zu (Mandala Scheme made by Kūkai)”, which seems to be the work of Kūkai, is possibly one of them. This mandala puts emphasis on Buddhas and Bodhisattvas while the five Vadyārājas have only minor significance. It may be the result of placing importance on the Shou-hu-kuo-chieh-chu-ching (Sutra of the Protection of the State Lord; Taisho 997), one of the sutras promoting the peace of the state. A scheme showing the relationship of deities as written in 839 by Shinnen, a disciple of Kūkai, must have been one of the tentative plans as well. Here the elements of the Jên-wang-ching ritual are predominant, and this scheme is very close to the actual arrangement of the Lecture Hall deities. This fact leads us to assume that it become virtually final plan. The composition of the deities for the Lecture Hall's unusual mandala was thus decided, and the plan was fulfilled after his death. Thus Kūkai intended to make the hall the center of his newly introduced Esoteric practices that were carried on as prayers for the peace and welfare of the state. It was closely related to his efforts to meet the demands of the Early Heian Period when the prevalent thought was the protection of the state by Buddhism. In fact, we find in the career of Kūkai that he put stress on the Shou-hu-kuo-chieh-chu-ching and the Jên-wang-ching which he had brought back from China, and tried to promote the new rituals based on these sutras. In short, the deities of the Lecture Hall of the Tōji were planned by Kūkai himself who wanted to realize his ideal. It means that they are not only the objects of worship installed in the Hall, but they also compose a unique mandala for the ritual of Buddhist protection of the state.

著者

伊藤 嘉浩

出版者

山形大学人文学部

雑誌

山形大学大学院社会文化システム研究科紀要

巻号頁・発行日

no.10, pp.21-31, 2013-10

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This paper examines and analyzes case studies from Yamagata Prefecture of corporate and organizational management in the Great East Japan Earthquake. Specifically, it employs interviews to identify the kinds of problems that arose for 11 major companies and organizations in Yamagata Prefecture, a neighboring prefecture to Fukushima Prefecture, in the Great East Japan Earthquake, and how top management of each company or organization managed such problems. In doing so, it elucidates some aspects of corporate and organizational management in the Great East Japan Earthquake that had not been identified before.

著者

正清 健介

出版者

首都大学東京人文科学研究科 人文学報編集委員会

雑誌

人文学報, フランス文学 (ISSN:03868729)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.515, no.15, pp.203-208, 2019-03-23

著者

南館 こずえ

出版者

日本共生科学会

雑誌

共生科学 (ISSN:21851638)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.11, pp.90-99, 2020 (Released:2020-07-10)

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To realize an inclusive society, a child with disabilities should not be excluded from a school in the local community, if he or she and the guardians wish to attend the school. There is a child at the center of a case, which the child and the parents sued the boards of education in 2018 because they took measures that the child should attended to a special school: even though, the child and the parents refused the action. According to the order of enforcement of the school education act, a board of education designate a special school if a child has disabilities. However, the child and the parents wish to attend a local school, the board of education should respect to rights of their self-determination. Based on the general comment of the Convention of Rights of Persons with Disabilities, segregated models of education, which exclude students with disabilities from mainstream and inclusive education on the basis of disability, contravene the Convention. The Convention requires States parties to take all appropriate steps to ensure that reasonable accommodation is provided.

著者

岡本 和也

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.186-193, 2005 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

9

著者

飯田 修一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本物理学会

雑誌

日本物理学会講演概要集

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, 2005

著者

佐野 正俊

出版者

日本文学協会

雑誌

日本文学 (ISSN:03869903)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.1, pp.56-65, 2012-01-10 (Released:2017-08-01)

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太宰治「猿ヶ島」の教材としての価値を、「物語」としての「おもしろさ」にあるとまずは押さえる。その上で、教室の初読の段階において「物語」のレベルで読み、その「おもしろさ」を十分に味わう。次に再読の段階で、一人称の「私」という語り手が気づいていないことを批評的に読んでいく。このような指導過程によって、本作品はこれまでとは大きく違った相貌を見せてくるはずである。

著者

Tanaka Shigeho

出版者

College of Science, Imperial University

雑誌

The journal of the College of Science, Imperial University of Tokyo, Japan = 東京帝國大學紀要. 理科

巻号頁・発行日

no.23, pp.1-24, 1908-07-28

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application/pdf

著者

古田純三著

出版者

日本力行會

巻号頁・発行日

1932

著者

朴澤 孝治 高橋 悦 安達 美佳

出版者

日本口腔・咽頭科学会

雑誌

口腔・咽頭科 (ISSN:09175105)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.2, pp.167-170, 2011 (Released:2011-09-14)

参考文献数

14

被引用文献数

1

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扁摘パルス療法後も尿所見の緩解が得られなかったIgA腎症症例のうち, 遺残扁桃が認められた24例について検討した. 遺残扁桃の部位は, 下極22例91.7%, 上極3例12.5%, 扁桃窩中央8例33.3%であり, 三角ひだ内の副扁桃 (中間扁桃) が増殖した例が1例あった. 再手術後1年以上の経過観察が行えた13症例のうち11例84.6%で尿潜血が消失し緩解が得られた. 遺残扁桃摘出術後, 尿所見が陰性化するまでの期間は1~5ヶ月で平均2ヶ月であった. 以上より, 遺残扁桃がIgA腎症の予後に与える影響は大きく, 扁摘パルス療法を行った後も, 尿潜血が持続するときは, 遺残扁桃を疑い精査する必要があると考えられた.

著者

余郷 裕次 鳴門教育大学大学院

出版者

全国大学国語教育学会

雑誌

全国大学国語教育学会国語科教育研究:大会研究発表要旨集 (ISSN:24321753)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.127, pp.261-264, 2014

著者

稲葉 政満

出版者

東京芸術大学

雑誌

基盤研究(C)

巻号頁・発行日

1998

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耐久性のある良い和紙を選択し、使用することが、現在の資料を残すためだけではなく、過去の遺産の保存修理のためにも望まれている。和紙の主原料であるコウゾはアルカリ水溶液で煮熟され、繊維化される。アルカリとしては木灰、石灰、ソーダ灰(炭酸ナトリウム)、苛性ソーダ(水酸化ナトリウム)が使用されている。煮熟剤の違いがどのように紙の耐久性などの違いをもたらすのかついて直接検討した例はない。そこで、同一の高知産楮から作成した和紙の保存性に及ぼす煮熟剤の違い、漂白の有無による影響について、検討することとした。本研究では、煮熟方法の違う和紙に酸(ドウサ)を塗布して湿熱劣化試験を行った。ドウサ引きを行った苛性ソーダ煮の試料はpHが大きく低下し、劣化処理によって大きな強度低下や変色を招いた。木灰や炭酸ソーダのようなマイルドなアルカリで煮熟した試料中にはアルカリが残留し、ドウサ塗布によるpHの低下を抑えることから、劣化処理による強度低下が少なかった。ほぼ同一のpHにおいても、漂白試料は未漂白試料よりも劣化しやすかった。和紙中のセルロースの重合度は強いアルカリである苛性ソーダで煮熟した場合は他のものに較べて低く、煮熟中に繊維が損傷を受けていることが明らかとなった。また、繊維中の構成化学成分としては、木灰などのマイルドなアルカリの方がヘミセルロース残量が多かった。煮熟剤を替えて作成した和紙の濡れ特性には差は認められなかった。以上の実験結果から、マイルドなアルカリで煮熟すること、そして漂白しないことが保存性の良い和紙を製造するための条件であると結論できる。

著者

近藤 康人 小松 原亮 中島 陽一 河村 牧子 各務 美智子 柘植 郁哉 安田 俊隆 宇理須 厚雄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本アレルギー学会

雑誌

アレルギー (ISSN:00214884)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.8-9, pp.1169, 2006-09-30 (Released:2017-02-10)

出版者

日経BP社

雑誌

日経ビジネス (ISSN:00290491)

巻号頁・発行日

no.1934, pp.28-31, 2018-03-26

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福島さんのように、副業をきっかけに、本業とは別に働きがいのある仕事に出合う人が増えている。静岡県のシステム会社に勤める太田博志さん(仮名、47歳)は、主に生産管理システムの開発をしているエンジニアだ。しかし、終業後や休日を使い、副業として個…

著者

市川 伸一 中川 正宣

出版者

一般社団法人 日本数学会

雑誌

数学 (ISSN:0039470X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.4, pp.410-421, 2001-10-01

参考文献数

21

被引用文献数

1

著者

河内 一男

出版者

歴史地震研究会

雑誌

歴史地震

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.74-76, 2002

著者

本山 幸一

出版者

日本損害保険協会

雑誌

予防時報 (ISSN:09104208)

巻号頁・発行日

no.206, pp.2-4, 2001

著者

星野 佳路 福島 範治

出版者

日経BP社

雑誌

日経トップリーダー

巻号頁・発行日

no.410, pp.96-99, 2018-11

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星野 なるほど、現場ですか。借金の額など、さまざまな要素を総合的に見れば、先行きは不透明。しかし、現場に目を向ければ、社員たちが少しずつ、自信を回復し始めている。現場に、福島さんが経営者として来てくれて良かった、という人が増えていた。

著者

小宮 義孝

出版者

医学書院

巻号頁・発行日

pp.421-425, 1962-08-15

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学校を卒業してから,すぐに東大医学部の衛生学教室にはいって,そこで5〜6年,ごろちゃらしていた。 と,ある日,当時の医学部長林春雄先生がお呼びになる。ふとしたことから先生には,日ごろ何やかやとご厄介になるようになっていた。で,おうかがいすると,「君は上海に行く気はないかね」とのたまう。

著者

久城 真代

出版者

日本マイコトキシン学会

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.1, pp.19-23, 2015 (Released:2015-10-05)

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「黄変米」とは,日本で発生したペニシリウム属カビによる危害を受けた米の総称であり,着生カビの種類により3種類が知られている。初期には毒性の原因はアジアの貧困から来る栄養障害と考えられていたが,継続的な研究により,「衝心性脚気」「カビ毒」「コメ」の関係が突き止められた。戦後の黄変米は,その着生菌の違いにより,「イスランジア黄変米」,「シトリナム黄変米」に分類されるが,学際的な研究により,原因物質が解明された。本稿では,米の有毒かびならびに日本で同定された3種類の黄変米についての研究をまとめた。