著者
長谷川 倫子 金 仁培
出版者
東京経済大学
雑誌
コミュニケーション科学 (ISSN:1340587X)
巻号頁・発行日
no.26, pp.3-24, 2007-03-21

The purpose of this study is to focus on the foreign correspondent in Tokyo who works for a major South Korean TV network. At a semi-structured interview, the correspondent was asked about his daily activities as a broadcaster with respect to the international flow of information from Japan. It was found that the correspondent tended to choose topics on politics and economics in response to requests from superiors at the news desk of the network. As the middle person in this routinized process, the correspondent acted as a gatekeeper, selecting and relaying topics from Japan to the South Korean audience. How those media outlets choose and report topics is a reflection of the lasting effects to mutual national images of the colonization of the Korean peninsula by Japan until the end of World War II. For the South Korean news media, monitoring and repor ting on the actions and comments by Japanese statesmen concerning worshipping at Yasukuni Shrine, revisionism in schoool textbooks, or territorial issues seem to be a high priority in selecting news reports about Japan for a Korean audience. In the daily foreign reports of Korean news programs, this kind of close observation and reporting about Japan is second only to reporting on matters related to the United States.
著者
野田 奈津実 小川 宣子 久慈 るみ子 坂田 隆 山崎 泰央 大竹 美登利 佐々井 啓 中島 明子 宮野 道雄 浜島 京子 加藤 浩文 萬羽 郁子 吉井 美奈子 生田 英輔
出版者
一般社団法人 日本家政学会
雑誌
一般社団法人日本家政学会研究発表要旨集 68回大会(2016)
巻号頁・発行日
pp.288, 2016 (Released:2016-08-04)

目的 東日本大震災では、多くの被災者が仮設住宅への転居を余儀なくされた。本研究は、仮設住宅への転居が住民の食生活に与えた影響を明らかにすることを目的とした。方法 震災後、石巻市市街地の仮設住宅に入居した60代女性(食生活改善推進員、震災前は同市雄勝地区)を対象に、震災前後の食生活(料理の種類、保存食、食事形態)について聞き取り調査を行う(2015年3、9、12月)とともに料理の画像記録を依頼した。結果 震災前に比べ、仮設住宅での料理の種類の減少や食事形態に変化が見られた。その原因として、1.地元で採(獲)れた大豆や米から味噌、柿やハモの乾物等の保存食を作り、これを利用して柿なますや雑煮等の郷土料理が作られていたが、食材の入手・保存場所の確保が困難になり、保存食を作ることが少なくなった。2.台所が狭くなり、保管・使用にスペースが必要な蒸し器やすり鉢を使う料理が減った。3.食卓が狭くなり、食器の種類や数も減ったため料理の盛り付けは銘々盛りから大皿盛りへと変化した。日常的に行われてきた食生活が震災を機に失われつつある。石巻の気候・風土を反映する多くの食材を活用した料理を記録として残し、継承していくことが求められている。本研究はJSHE生活研究プロジェクトの活動として実施し、科学研究費補助金(課題番号:24300243、25350040)、平成26年度(公財)浦上食品・食文化振興財団の助成を受けた。
著者
坂本 満
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.262, pp.1-16, 1969-12-25

In a Buddhist temple called Ryūkōin in Sano City, Tochigi, there is a woodden figure traditionally known as Kateki. It was recovered in the 1920's and was found to be a figure of Desiderius Erasmus Rotterdamus by the studies of Izuru Shimmura and Naojirō Murakami. The Ryūkōin had been the family temple of the Makino Clan, the lineage of the feudal lord of the area. And, in the voluminous book of pedigrees of various families Kansei Chōshū Shokafu, completed in 1812, it is written that Narisato Makino (died 1614), a feudal lord of the clan, brought back a figure of Kateki after joining the Bunroku War in Korea. This must correspond to the figure in the Ryūkōin. This is because no other image of Kateki is known, and also, it was not unusual for Western goods to be called Korean importations in Japan during the period in which Christianity was prohibited. On the other hand, the study of Murakami has clarified the fact that the statue was a figure of Erasmus of Rotterdam which had been originally placed at the stern of the Dutch ship De Liefde which drifted ashore on the east coast of Kyūshū on April 29, 1600. Shimmura further assumes that Narisato obtained it in his late years when he was one of the three heads of the infantry of the Shogunate stationed at Edo Castle. Kateki (Ch. Huo-ti) is a legendary innovator of ship building in China along with Kyōko (Ch. Huo-hu) and these two names are almost always referred to inseparably in Chinese dictionaries. But in Japan Kateki alone is mentioned: in several texts for nō dramas, as Shimmura has pointed out, only his name is seen, and under the influence of nō texts his name was cited in an Edo Period chantey for special occasions. Therefore, it is not strange that this figure of Erasmus, originally placed at the stern of a ship, was given the name of Kateki. De Liefde, which had formerly been called Erasmus, left Rotterdam for the Far East together with four other ships in 1598. Twenty-two months later only De Liefde reached its destination and thereby opened the commercial relationship between Holland and Japan which lasted a longtime. But only twenty-four of the crew were alive when it arrived in Japan and three of the survivors died the next day. The ship reached Japan after numerous hardships. During such difficult sailing, the crew members must have recalled the patron saint of sailors, Saint Erasmus, the same name as the figure at the stern. This saint was believed in by Italian, Spanish and Portugese sailors. The worship of the saint by sailors is not mentioned in the writings of the humanist of Rotterdam. But there is a fairly good possiblity that the habits of south European sailors had been introduced to northern countries, since Spain and Portugal monopolized long-distance navigation in the sixteenth century and it is known that in some cases south European sailors joined the crews of English or French ships. It is also said that a chapel of Saint Erasmus in Westminster Abbey was a religiously important shrine for sailors. Legenda Aurea, which contains the story of the life of Saint Erasmus in its supplement, had been severely criticised by Catholics and Protestants since the middle of the sixteenth century for its absurdity. The English navigator of De Liefde, Willian Adams (Japanese name: Anjin Miura), was a rationalist who did not believe in superstitions and miracles and in this respect he was just like Erasmus of Rotterdam and Ieyasu Tokugawa. But, generally speaking, sailors are not rationalists. The writer, in Part I of the present paper, proposes the possibility that the sailors who survived the difficult voyage with De Liefde attributed their good fortune to Saint Erasmus and so gave special meaning to the figure of Erasmus of Rottersdam at the stern. This interpretation by the sailors may have given further meaning as patron saint of sailors to the name of Kateki, in addition to his original significance as an innovator of ship building. In Part II of the paper, which will be published in No. 263 of this journal, the writer furher discusses the nature of the figure itself. After introducing portrait works of Erasmus of Rotterdam in Europe by quoting the studies by G. Marlier, E. Treu and J. Huiginga, the writer criticises the theory of E. Major and E. Treu that the figure in question was originally a statue made for welcoming the visit of Felipe II to Rotterdam and the theory of F. Kossman that the figure is its copy. E. Treu claims that the now damaged left hand of the figure of the Ryūkōin had held a quill pen, but traces in the carving show that it apparently held a thick book, a form ordinarily given to the portraits of Erasmus. From the right hand of the figure hangs a scroll but it seems to be too small to hold the written name of the ship as Treu says. Since it is strange to carry such similar things in both hands and this is not seen in painted portraits of Erasmus, the present writer presumes that the characteristics of the figure resulted from it being a direct orindirect imitation of the wooden statue that had been erected in Rotterdam in 1549 or the stone statue that had been rebuilt in 1557. The writer, at the end of the paper, introduces a rather free copy of the Ryūkōin figure of Erasmus made by a carpenter who lived near the temple, in October of 1905 and given to the temple by a believer. The figure was not then recognized as Erasmus. This copy has crystal eyes and holds a Buddhist sacred ball in its left hand. Its physical features, which include its proportions, are completely Japanese. This naive folk-art type of work has not attracted people's attention, but this is, so to speak, the only real Kateki figure now known and the figure of Erasmus who was "naturalized" in Japan.
著者
小松原 明哲 横溝 克巳
出版者
Japan Ergonomics Society
雑誌
人間工学 (ISSN:05494974)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, no.5, pp.277-286, 1989-10-15 (Released:2010-03-11)
参考文献数
16
被引用文献数
2 3

ユーザインターフェイス設計の基礎研究として, 人間の短期記憶保持による負担をパーソナルコンピュータを用いた実験により検討した. まず短期記憶の保持方略と負担との関係について検討した. 計算偶奇判定作業を被験者に行わせた結果, 課題内容を積極的に解釈しつつ保持する場合のほうが, 課題を単にリハーサルしている場合より, 心理的負担が少なく, パフォーマンスも良好であった. 次に短期記憶の保持量と負担との関係について, 数列の短期記憶保持実験を行った結果, 完全な短期記憶再生を期待できるのは5チャンクまでであり, 5チャンクを超えると完全な再生が期待できないばかりでなく, 心理的・精神的負担が高まることが明らかとなった. 5チャンク以下でも負担は均一ではなく, チャンク数の増加とともに負担が高まることも明らかとなった.
著者
柳田 利夫
出版者
三田史学会
雑誌
史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.1, pp.p1-22, 1991-12

八 他地域への渡航禁止II九 フィリピンからの報告IV十 他地域への渡航禁止III十一 むすび
著者
川﨑 采香 佐久間 尚子 大神 優子 鈴木 宏幸 藤原 佳典
出版者
日本認知心理学会
雑誌
日本認知心理学会発表論文集
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2019, 2019

<p>日常記憶の加齢変化を調べるため、ボランティア研究に参加した高齢者を対象に日本版リバーミード行動記憶検査(RBMT)の「物語」再生による10年間の縦断的変化を検討した。初回(BL)の年齢分布に基づき、3群(age1:55名(56〜64歳)、age2:56名(65〜69歳)、age3:46名(70〜81歳))に分けた。BLと10年目(F10)の再生内容を25項目別に1点(正再生)・0.5点(類似再生)・0点(誤再生/言及なし)に採点し、3群別の25項目別正答率を求めた。この正答率を従属変数とする3群×2検査回の反復分散分析の結果、群の主効果(p&lt;.01)、群×検査回の交互作用(p&lt;.001)が有意であり、F10でage3の正答率が減少した。また、25項目別の正答率を10%ランク別に区切り、BLとF10のランク変化を見たところ、age1では上昇9項目/下降2項目に対し、age3では上昇2項目/下降6項目であったが、age3の下降は正答率80%以上で2項目、50%未満で3項目だった。以上より、日常記憶の加齢変化は緩やかに生じ、記憶容量が減少することが示唆された。</p>