著者

西川 長夫

出版者

京都大学フランス文学研究室

雑誌

Francia

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.100-111, 1967-01-07

著者

塩瀬 博子 SHIOSE Hiroko

出版者

名古屋大学

巻号頁・発行日

2017-03-27

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主論⽂のリポジトリ公開版を公開(2018.5.11)

著者

鍋島 弘治朗

出版者

關西大學文學會

雑誌

關西大學文學論集 (ISSN:04214706)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.93-116, 2006-08-25

著者

村上 陽子

出版者

静岡大学教育学部附属教育実践総合センター

雑誌

静岡大学教育実践総合センター紀要 (ISSN:13480707)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, pp.175-184, 2020-03-31

著者

村上 宣寛

出版者

富山大学人間発達科学部

雑誌

富山大学人間発達科学部紀要 = Memoirs of the Faculty of Human Development University of Toyama (ISSN:1881316X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, no.1, pp.181-193, 2015-10-30

著者

下倉 渉

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = THE SHIRIN or the JOURNAL OF HISTORY (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.1, pp.39-80, 2016-01-31

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本稿では「識劫

著者

小塩 慶

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = THE SHIRIN or the JOURNAL OF HISTORY (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.2, pp.290-311, 2016-03-31

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The aim of this article is to grasp the significance of auspicious omens (shozui) in the context of the policy of Tang-style Sinification and clarify the reception of Chinese conception of auspicious omens in ancient Japan. Two periods when records of auspicious omens were particularly rare are the object of my analysis: these are the Tenpyo Hoji era under the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro and the early Heian period from the Konin to the Kasho era during the reigns of the emperors Saga, Junna, and Ninmyo. In the first section, I indicate that there were cases of auspicious omens not being recorded due to the humility of the emperor during the Latter Han dynasty. The fact that there was a tendency to denigrate auspicious omens and emphasize practical politics during the Tang has been pointed out in earlier studies, but when considering attitudes toward auspicious omens in Japan from the 9th century onward, the Latter Han attitude toward auspicious omens is important. Moreover, on the relationship between auspicious omens and calamities, previous scholarship has argued there was a direct correlation between the two, but on reexamination of the relationship, I have clarified that there was a tendency for the number of auspicious omens to decline as the number of calamities increased. Behind this was the fact that the two had different characters; auspicious omens were mental phenomena and the calamities were physical realities. In the second section, I consider the relationship of the small number of auspicious omens in the early Heian period and the policy of Tang-style Sinification. I compare in particular the Shoku Nihonkoki for Jowa 1.1 (834) and the imperial edict of the ninth month of Zhenguan 2 (628) in the Tang da zhaoling ji, and judging from the similarity of the language of the two, indicate that the edict of the first year of the Jowa era reflected that of Emperor Taizong of the Tang. Therefore, the small number of auspicious omens from this period can be understood as a result of the fact that the Japanese court knew that the Tang emperor had not favored auspicious omens and that they would not be recognized without reserve. Moreover, it should be noted that as a result of the humility of the Japanese emperors of the ninth century, there were many cases when auspicious omens were not accepted, and this logic was closer to the Latter Han example rather than the Tang, From this, auspicious omens in the early Heian period should be understood as the reception of not only Tang but also Latter Han thought. In the third section I focus on the auspicious characters that were a special characteristic of the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro and attempt to demonstrate the Sinification of auspicious omens. Auspicious characters are a variety of auspicious omen that was seldom if ever seen in Japan, but there were examples in China and the political policy as regards auspicious characters by Empress Wu Zetian, which is thought to have had influence at the time on Japan, can be seen in historical sources. Based on these facts, it can be said that auspicious characters had a particularly Chinese quality and we can conclude that the auspicious omens were Sinified through the Tang-style Sinification policy of Nakamaro. In the era of Fujiwara no Nakamaro the Chinese theory of accepting the will of heaven was already known, and auspicious characters were Rot simply a matter of a superficial copying of the achievements of Wu Zetian, and this indicates the influence of a profound understanding of the entirety of Chinese culture. Considering their limited relationship to auspicious omens and the policy of Tang-style Sinification that I elucidated in the second section, the fact that auspicious omens were not seen under the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro, which did use Chinese auspicious characters, can probably be explained in the same manner. Moreover, using auspicious omens to rule politically and then the trend to distain auspicious omens itself can also be seen in China. Furthermore, as calamities were frequently seen in this period, this too seems to have been a cause for the paucity of auspicious omens. In the fourth section, I address the trend towards the disappearance of auspicious omens from the Six Dynasties onward. In regard to the elimination of auspicious omens, I state my view that it would surely be necessary to consider the change in the character of the monarchical regime that was profoundly related to auspicious omens rather than the problem of the state of extant historical sources. In conclusion, as evidenced in sections two and three, the decrease in the number of records of auspicious omens can be explained as the reception of the Chinese influence within the policy of Tang-style Sinification. In this article I demonstrated factual evidence of the relationship between auspicious omens and the policy of Tang-style Sinification through examination of records of auspicious omens themselves. Moreover, it can be surmised that the Japanese court was conscious of the historical dynasties such as the Five Emperors and Latter Han rather than the contemporary Tang dynasty in regard to the Sinification of auspicious omens. In this article, I posit the image of "multiple Chinas" as a concept that would include multiple Chinese dynasties. It may be said that during the period that was strongly influenced by the Tang, the reception of the concept of auspicious omens occurred with this conception of "multiple Chinas" as its source.

出版者

早稲田大学図書館

雑誌

早稲田大学図書館年報

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2017, pp.3-4, 2018-06-01

著者

長岡 新吉

出版者

北海道大学經濟學部

雑誌

北海道大學 經濟學研究 (ISSN:04516265)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.2, pp.67-131, 1966-08

著者

カライスコス アントニオス 寺川 永 馬場 圭太

出版者

関西大学法学研究所

雑誌

ノモス = Nomos (ISSN:09172599)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.121-160, 2019-12-31

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本研究は、JSPS科研費18K01378および18K12693の助成による研究成果の一部である。

著者

カライスコス アントニオス 寺川 永 馬場 圭太

出版者

関西大学法学研究所

雑誌

ノモス = Nomos (ISSN:09172599)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.161-189, 2019-12-31

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本研究は、JSPS科研費18K01378および18K12693の助成による研究成果の一部である。

著者

宮村 悠介

出版者

愛知教育大学

雑誌

愛知教育大学研究報告. 人文・社会科学編 (ISSN:18845177)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, pp.57-64, 2020-03-01

著者

西 義郎 Yoshio Nishi

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.4, pp.975-999, 1998-03-31

著者

翁 嘉 Weng Jia

出版者

神奈川大学大学院 外国語学研究科

雑誌

神奈川大学大学院言語と文化論集 (ISSN:1341612X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, pp.309-349, 2013-02

著者

栗田 秀法 KURITA Hidenori

出版者

名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター

雑誌

JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.223-225, 2017-03-17

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恩地孝四郎展 (東京国立近代美術館 2016年1月13日-2月28日, 和歌山県立近代美術館 2016年4月29日-6月12日)

著者

岸野 文雄 Fumio Kishino

出版者

創価大学通信教育部学会

雑誌

通信教育部論集 (ISSN:13442511)

巻号頁・発行日

2013-08-11

著者

本庄 総子

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = THE SHIRIN or the JOURNAL OF HISTORY (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.1, pp.7-40, 2020-01-31

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マクニール・モデルとは、集団間に支配・被支配が成立する背景を、疫病への免疫力格差によって説明する理論型である。本稿では、この理論を踏まえつつ、日本古代における疫病の構造的理解を目指す。日本古代の疫病には大きく分けて二つのタイプがある。一つは、国外からの伝播ではないかと推定される大宰府発生の疫病である。このタイプは、非常に高い致死性をもつが、発生は稀である。もう一つは、京から伝播するタイプの疫病で、比較的致死性は低いが、頻繁に発生し、京から徒歩一〇日圏内からやや西に偏る範囲に伝播する。両タイプとも、飢饉の結果として発生するだけでなく、さらなる飢饉の誘因ともなった。奈良時代以前の疫病は、大きな被害を被った場合でも、一定期間内に復興が見込めたが、平安時代の最初期、復興に遅延が生じるようになった結果、疫癘間発という疫病の連鎖が発生し、律令国家の掌握する人口と田地に大きな損害を与えた。

著者

Kishimura Hideki Hayashi Kenji

出版者

Elsevier Ltd.

雑誌

Food Chemistry (ISSN:03088146)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, no.3, pp.407-411, 2005-09

被引用文献数

6

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Phospholipase A (PLA) activities in the pyloric ceca and viscera from seven species of marine invertebrates (four starfish, one sea urchin, and two shellfish) were determined. Relatively high PLA specific activities were found in the pyloric ceca of two species of starfish (Coscinasterias acutispina and Plazaster borealis). Phospholipase A2s (PLA2s) were partially purified from the pyloric ceca of the starfish, C. acutispina PLA2 (C-PLA2) and P. borealis PLA2 (P-PLA2). The C-PLA2 and P-PLA2 mainly released oleic acid from 1-palmitoyl-2-oleoyl-sn-glycero-3-phosphocholine. Temperature optima of the C-PLA2 and P-PLA2 were at around 60 °C and 50 °C, respectively, and pH optima of the C-PLA2 and P-PLA2 were both at around pH 10.0. The activities of the C-PLA2 and P-PLA2 were enhanced by sodium deoxycholate and 1 mM or higher concentration of Ca2+. The C-PLA2 and P-PLA2 did not show the fatty acid specificity for hydrolysis of phosphatidylcholine. Unlike porcine pancreatic PLA2, the C-PLA2 and P-PLA2 hydrolyzed phosphatidylcholine more effectively than phosphatidylethanolamine.

著者

Habe Tadashige

出版者

瀨戸臨海實驗所

雑誌

PUBLICATIONS OF THE SETO MARINE BIOLOGICAL LABORATORY (ISSN:00372870)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, no.2, pp.73-85, 1952-10-05

被引用文献数

6

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Hitherto twenty one species of gastropods parasitic on echinoderms have been recorded from Japan by various authors, such as RANDALL et HEATH (1912), S. HIRASE (1920, 1927, 1932), DALL (1925), Grsd;N (1927), Is. T AKI (1929), IWANOFF (1933), MORTENSEN (1940, 1943), KAWAHARA (1943), HABE (1944, 1950, 1951), KURODA (1949) and KURODA et HABE (1950). In this paper eight more species are added to this list. Of these six are new to science and also parasitic habits are confirmed in other two species which have never been noticed in this country. It is my pleasant duty to acknowledge here my deep indebtedness to Dr. Taku KOMAI and Dr. Tokubei KURODA for their kind direction and encouragement in the course of my study. My hearty thanks are also due to Prof. Denzaburo MIADI, Dr. Iwao TAKI, Dr. Huzio UTINOMI, Dr. Takasi TOKIOKA, Messrs. Toshihiko YAMANOUTI, Torao YAMAMOTO, Akibumi TERAMACHI, Masuoki HORIKOSI and Takashi SAITO for their kindness in placing their collections at my disposal.

著者

正田 良 Showder Rio

出版者

三重大学教育学部

雑誌

三重大学教育学部研究紀要. 自然科学・人文科学・社会科学・教育科学 (ISSN:03899225)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, pp.201-210, 2005-03-31

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明治・大正期に義務教育ではないにしても、現在の中等教育の原型とも言えるものが形成される。しかし、数学の幾何に関しては、男女差が甚だしく、不当な性差別が行われていた。その一方で、師範学校女子部では時代を経るにつれて、師範学校男子部との差が軽減されていく。この様子を、時間数や教育内容に関して、教育課程を調べ、また、教科書の緒言などの論調に関しても言及する。この男子に比べて劣るといえる条件の中にも、教科書に見られる教育的な工夫が為される余地があったこと、つまり、新しい工夫の実験の場としての可能性を秘めていたことを指摘する。