著者

斉藤 享治

出版者

公益社団法人 日本地理学会

雑誌

地理学評論 Series A (ISSN:18834388)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.82, no.3, pp.263-264, 2009-05-01 (Released:2011-08-25)

著者

斉藤 豊治

出版者

日本刑法学会

雑誌

刑法雑誌 (ISSN:00220191)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.63-83, 2014-08-30 (Released:2020-11-05)

著者

斉藤 豊治

出版者

日本刑法学会

雑誌

刑法雑誌 (ISSN:00220191)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.121-139, 2008-08-01 (Released:2020-11-05)

著者

斉藤 享治

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:13479555)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.81, no.1, pp.41-42, 2008-01-01 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

森川 泰江 斉藤 脩 桜庭 晶子 千治松 洋一 鷲崎 誠 稲富 恵子 渡辺 一功 本間 日臣 池本 秀雄 滝 和博

出版者

日本サルコイドーシス/肉芽腫性疾患学会

雑誌

サルコイドージス研究会誌

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.98-101, 1983

著者

斉藤 邦明 藤垣 朱和子 清島 満

出版者

一般社団法人 日本臨床化学会

雑誌

臨床化学 (ISSN:03705633)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.3, pp.103-112, 2000-09-30 (Released:2012-11-27)

参考文献数

33

著者

斉藤 尚

出版者

経済学史学会

雑誌

経済学史研究 (ISSN:18803164)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.68-88, 2016 (Released:2019-08-30)

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Abstract: This paper demonstrates how Arrow’s theorem formulates not only a social decision process but also serves to clarify moral rules; further, that such an interpretation is consistent with conventional understanding due to Arrow’s methodology that “the scientific method can elucidate ethical problems.” In order to achieve this aim, this paper traces the development of Arrow’s theory by examining the debate between Arrow and Bergson and Little, among others. We then argue that Arrow seeks to scientifically prove moral rules, in contrast to Bergson, whose economic theory cannot effectively address ethical problems. Finally, we apply Arrow’s methodology to the more general problem of the relationship between economics and philosophy. The structure of this paper is as follows: In Section II, we present the relationship between science and value in welfare economics prior to the publication of Social Choice and Individual Values (SCIV) in 1951. In Section III, we clarify that science and ethics-or the elucidations of the social decision process and of social welfare-appear in the first edition of SCIV. Section IV presents Bergson and Little’s criticism that Arrow does not methodologically ground the relationship between science and ethics. In Section V, we clarify Arrow’s methodological foundation and how it is affected by Popper’s thought, expressed in the statement “scientific theories can elucidate ethical problems.” In Section VI, we check Arrow’s methodology in the second edition of SCIV, published in 1963. Finally, Section VII demonstrates that Arrow considered social preference as a moral rule based on his methodology in the second edition of SCIV. JEL classification numbers: B 23, B 41, D71.

著者

斉藤 悦則

出版者

経済学史学会

雑誌

経済学史研究 (ISSN:18803164)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.96-97, 2013 (Released:2019-10-31)

著者

斉藤 悦則 藤田 勝次郎

出版者

経済学史学会

雑誌

経済学史学会年報 (ISSN:04534786)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.32, pp.161-162, 1994 (Released:2010-08-05)

著者

斉藤 孝

出版者

美学会

雑誌

美学 (ISSN:05200962)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.3, pp.52, 1978-12-30 (Released:2017-05-22)

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In the ancient period in Corea, especially both in the Sam Guksidai (6, 7 centuries) and in the Great Silla Period (8, 9 centuries) were produced the most splendid Buddha-images of stones. Many techniques were developed-those of the round, the relief, line engraving, etc.. Up to now, however, we cannot say that we have considered sufficiently the relation between these techniques and modes of Buddha-images. Ancient Corean people had a special belief in the Rock (especially the granite) which they adorated as the constituent of the Earth. The more they were aware of the existence of the God, the more keenly they wished to perceive him in the concrete form. Incidently in the 6th century Buddhism was transmitted to the Corean Peninsula, so they, following the image of Buddha, gave their God a concrete form. They obtained the way to make their God appear in this world. At first the image was formed by line engraving on stone. It corresponded to the way how they felt the existence of God. He was looked at as a shadow-image. Secondly the image was appeared as the carving relief. They wanted a more or less concrete image of their God or Buddha. At last the image was appeared as the complete round sculpture. The God or Buddha, separated from the inner world of the rock or stone, entered into the real existence in this world. And these three stages are found in the remains of the Gulbusa-temple.

著者

郡司 博史 石井 秀樹 斉藤 亜矢 酒井 敏

出版者

社団法人 日本流体力学会

雑誌

日本流体力学会誌「ながれ」 (ISSN:02863154)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.6, pp.499-500, 2003

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If liquid drop collides with a thin fluid layer, crown-like structure (milk crown) will be formed. In such phenomenon, surface tension is dominant, and a time scale is very short. To catch a continuous image of such phenomena, expensive equipment, such as a high-speed camera, would be required. Therefore, systematic researches which change parameters, such as collision speed of liquid, were not done. Then, we considered how to record with a cheap commercial digital video camera, conducted the systematic experiment by this method, and analyzed the obtained picture. Consequently, we found that the diameter of a crown was proportional to the 1/4th power of the lapsed time after liquid drop collides. That of the trace after a crown disappears was proportional to the 1/2nd power of the lapsed time. The domain where the diameter of a crown is proportional to the 1/2nd power of lapsed time has only been found in the trace after a crown disappeared. We think that the crown turns into the capillary wave during its collapse. We found that the time that the crown grows up is longer than the crown falls down. Considering a simplified model concerning of mass change and surface tension of the crown upper part, we could reproduce the asymmetry.

著者

斉藤 達也

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.12, pp.2106-2131, 2009-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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Under the Sui 隋 and Tang 唐 Dynasties, most of the Sogdian people living in China assumed one of the following nine surnames in accordance with the land or city of their origin: Kang 康, An 安, Cao 曹, He 何, Shi 史, Shi 石, Mu 穆, Bi 畢, and Mi 米. The place of origin of a family can actually be easily identified because of the regular correspondence between the surname and the toponym associated with the respective region. For instance, the surname 'Kang' 康 was given to those Sogdian families coming from the Land of Kang 康國, i.e. Samarkand. One finds only very few references to the history and reasons lying behind the diversification of the Sogdian surnames on Chinese soil. The present paper attempts to explore some of the basic aspects of this subject. Chapter One looks into the relation between Sogdian surnames and the names of their land of origin mainly by examining the linguistic facet of the problem. Chapter Two investigates relevant historical documents which allow us to trace the formation of each Sogdian surname. I examine the historical evidence for possible clues as to the background and reasons for choosing a certain surname. In both Chapters One and Two, I actually re-visit the most commonly accepted theory concerning the correspondence between Sogdian surnames and their place of origin, i.e. toponyms serving as surnames originate from rough phonetic transcriptions, or rather abridgements, in Chinese characters of actual Sogdian place names. These abbreviated toponyms were then given to the Sogdians depending on the region of origin. My investigation, however, reveals an opposite picture. Most of the Sogdian surnames were actually adopted for reasons not directly related to phonetic transcriptions. There is a consistent tendency of one group coming from a specific region to adopt one particular surname. Between ca. 560 and 600, we start seeing compounds as the 'Land of Shi' 史國 or 'Land of He' 何國. It is at this stage that the word 'land' 國 is used in conjunction with the surnames, and not the other way round. Chronologically speaking, in the early phase of Sogdian presence on Chinese soil, which starts with the Later Han 後漢 dynasty, Kang 康 was the only surname generally used for all members of this ethnic group regardless of their region of origin. Later, however, we witness a diversification. Probably as early as the latter half of the 5^<th> century, the surname An 安 may have also been used by people of Sogdian origin. Sometime between the end of the 5^<th> century and middle of the 6^<th> century, the Sogdians seem to have started adopting surnames like Cao 曹, He 何, Shi 史, and Mu 穆. Slightly later, three other names, i.e. Shi 石, Bi 畢, and Mi 米, also came to be employed. In Chapter Three, I try to explain the reasons and social background behind this diversification, and turn my attention to the relation between marriage customs and surnames. This chapter is based on a collation of relevant data extracted from funeral inscriptions between the 6^<th> century and 10^<th> century. My survey reveals the existence of a total of 83 cases in which at least one of the partners had one of the following surnames indicating Sogdian origin: Kang 康, An 安, and Mi 米. Amongst these, only three seem to have been couples in which both husband and wife bore the same surname. This fact suggests that for the most part, the marriage between Sogdian couples followed the Chinese custom of surname exogamy 同姓不婚. This fact leads me to believe that the diversification of the Sogdian surnames from one to nine served an obvious social function. This process made it possible for people coming from the same ethnic stock to get married while still respecting the Chinese taboo of surname exogamy. Actually, in 483 the Northern Wei dynasty 北魏 decreed that surname exogamy should be strictly observed. This might have been one of the(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

斉藤 恵太

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.6, pp.1184-1185, 2008-06-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

荻野 沙織 斉藤 美香

出版者

松田 壯正

雑誌

盛岡赤十字病院紀要 = Medical Journal of Japanese Red Cross Morioka Hospital (ISSN:13412612)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.1, pp.72-77, 2016-08-31

著者

橋本 靖郎 斉藤 一功

出版者

公益社団法人 計測自動制御学会

雑誌

計測と制御 (ISSN:04534662)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.108-110, 1998-02-10 (Released:2009-11-26)

参考文献数

2

著者

若山 英央 中村 勇 村山 晴夫 菅波 盛雄 林 弘典 斉藤 仁 正木 嘉美 岡田 弘隆

出版者

Japanese Academy of Budo

雑誌

武道学研究 (ISSN:02879700)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, pp.13, 2002

著者

新井 直子 砂見 緩子 高橋 幸子 斉藤 倫代 伊藤 文子 加藤 志保子 堀内 裕子 寺山 範子 後藤 一雄

出版者

日本看護技術学会

雑誌

日本看護技術学会誌 (ISSN:13495429)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, pp.26-32, 2018 (Released:2018-04-20)

参考文献数

11

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臨床現場では, 手洗い後に手を拭いたペーパータオルで洗面カウンター表面環境の水滴を拭き取る行為が日常的にみられる. 本研究では水滴拭き取り行為による手指の汚染の可能性を, ATP (Adenosine Tri Phosphate : アデノシン三リン酸) を用いて検証することを目的とした. 対象は看護学生および教職員13名とし, 無菌手袋を装着した状態で, 流水手洗い後にペーパータオルで洗面カウンター表面環境の水滴を拭き取る前後の手袋表面 (手掌・指先・指間) のATPを測定し, 拭き取り前後のATPの比較, 拭き取り後のATPと実験環境のATP, 使用したペーパータオルに関する関連を検討した. その結果, 手掌・指先・指間いずれも拭き取り後にATPが有意に増加し, 洗面カウンター表面環境の水滴を拭き取る行為は, 手指の汚染を引き起こす可能性を示唆した. 手袋表面と測定環境のATPおよびペーパータオル枚数に相関は認めなかった. 本結果は, 手洗い後の水滴拭き取り行為に注意喚起を促すものである.

著者

ジェリー・H・ギル著 斉藤隆央訳

出版者

翔泳社

巻号頁・発行日

1998

著者

西村 直也 柳 宇 鍵 直樹 池田 耕一 吉野 博 斉藤 秀樹 斉藤 敬子 鎌倉 良太 小畑 美知夫

出版者

公益社団法人 空気調和・衛生工学会

雑誌

空気調和・衛生工学会 論文集 (ISSN:0385275X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.175, pp.1-8, 2011-10-05 (Released:2017-09-05)

参考文献数

10

被引用文献数

2

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本研究は医療施設における室内空気環境の維持管理のあり方について検討することを目的とする。第1報では調査の詳細および冬期、夏期における計18件の病院の外来待合室、事務室および病室に対する建築物衛生法の測定方法に準じた空気質の実測調査結果を示した。また第2報では浮遊微生物濃度の実態を明らかにした。第1、2報では建築物衛生法の環境基準値およびHEAS指針値を超過する室が多く見られ、適切に運用するためには、空気環境について定期的に監視することが有効であるという見解が得られた。本報では、温熱環境、空気質について連続測定や定量分析を行うことによって、より詳細に実態の解析を行った。その結果、室によっては温熱環境の日中変動が大きいこと、室内の浮遊粉じん濃度が外気の濃度に大きく影響を受けていること、VOC類の濃度は概ね低く抑えられているものの、DEGEEやカンファーなどが特徴的に検出されることなどを確認した。

著者

町田 純一 河崎 良徳 鈴村 正勝 斉藤 正淳

出版者

日本産科婦人科学会

雑誌

日本産科婦人科學會雜誌

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.6, 1965