著者
増田 泰良 藤岡 洋保 山崎 鯛介 瀧口 克己
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.71, no.607, pp.163-169, 2006-09-30 (Released:2017-02-17)
被引用文献数
1 1

This paper tries to show the significance of the material the architect Keiji GOTO(1883-1919) left. According to our research, this collection is made up of 7,150 items, whose dates cover almost all of his life. Most of this collection is visual documents. These documents would be the base of his knowledge of architecture. This collection includes the information to show the processes of his designs of his works. And the documents of the structural engineering in this collection include the information on his interest and the sources of his knowledge. And it indicates that he was interested in the ferro-concrete and the statically indeterminate structure and that he studied structural theories and tried to diffuse these new methods. It could trigger a reevaluation of him and could be an example of the introduction of new technology in Japan.
著者
中村 隆司
出版者
公益社団法人 日本都市計画学会
雑誌
都市計画論文集 (ISSN:09160647)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.3, pp.1324-1329, 2015 (Released:2015-11-05)
参考文献数
9
被引用文献数
10 3

我が国は、大都市圏でも高齢化を迎え鉄道利用者は減少する可能性があり,今後の課題となることが予想される.さらに,公共交通機関利用促進による野環境負荷の低減に加え従来から形成されている鉄道駅周辺市街地の維持再生が今後の都市整備の鍵になるという観点からもTODに注目する.その上で,東京大都市圏を対象に,鉄道駅周辺土地利用について着目し,鉄道駅周辺の土地利用形態と駅乗降客数の変化との関係について分析した。その結果、全体として高齢化が進むと乗降客数が減少する傾向にあるが、高齢化が進行しても乗降客数が増加した駅もあることを明らかにした.また、東京大都市圏では,カルソープの提起する都市型TODの土地利用に近い土地利用構成を周辺に持つ駅が45.3%と半数近くに上りこの観点ではTOD先進国とされることが裏付けられること、駅周辺において住宅用地、商業・業務用地、公共公益施設用地などが混在した、複合的な土地利用を実現している駅では駅乗降客数が維持増加の傾向にあること等を明らかにした.
著者
蔵田 雅彦 Masahiko Kurata
雑誌
国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.2, pp.27-65, 1990-08-30

Prompted largely by the illness and subsequent death of the Showa Emperor, discussions have recently been flourishing in academic circles concerning the nature of the Emperor System. While researchers of Japanese medieval history and anthropologists have attempted to present a new paradigm for study of the Emperor System, the author of this article attempts to present another perspective: that of the victims of Japanese colonial rule in Asia. The author takes the view that the Emperor System provided the ideological backbone for Japanese colonial rule in Asia, and more particularly in Korea. In order to show the irreconcilable nature of the conflict between the Emperor System and Korean Christianity, Christianity in Japan and Korea are contrasted in terms of their attitudes to the Emperor System. The characteristics of the Emperor System are summarised in terms of its ultra-nationalistic nature, its aggressive militarist nature, and its religiosity. Korean Christianity could not but come into conflict with such a system of values because of its nationalistic tradition, its inherently pacifist nature, and its conservative, or often fundamentalist type of faith. In order to understand the background of Japanese colonial rule, it is necessary in the first place to look into the process of formation of the modern Emperor System and State Shintoism following the Meiji Restoration. Here it is important to note that State Shintoism was considered as transcending ordinary religions, that is, denominational Shintoism, Buddhism and Christianity. Equally important is the fact that the freedom of religion stipulated in the Meiji Constitution was granted only within the framework of the Emperor System. It is no coincidence that Ito Hirobumi, who drafted the Meiji Constitution, became the first Resident-General in Korea and advocated the separation of religion and politics in order to prevent the missionaries from intervening in nationalist politics. Japanese churches were by and large integrated into the Emperor System and in order to avoid conflict with it they either fell into syncretism, accommodating Emperor worship and Shintoism in the form of Japanised Christianity, or concentrated on purely theological matters. Japanese Christians who were persecuted, especially during the war period, were mainly individual Christians or those who belonged to small sects or denominations with strong fundamentalist and eschatological faith. Since Japanese colonial rule in Korea functioned essentially as an extension of the Emperor System, the religious policy of the Government General in Korea needs to be analysed in such a context. Furthermore, the characteristics of Korean Christianity in terms of its faith and theology need to be evaluated in the light of its conflict with the ideological overtones of the externally-imposed Emperor System. In brief, Korean Christianity came into conflict with the Emperor System mainly on three grounds. Firstly, its nationalistic character came into conflict with the Emperor System's ultra-nationalism supported by State Shintoism. Secondly, the conservative and often fundamentalist nature of Korean Christians' faith could not but clash with the equally fundamentalist and uncompromising system of religious values of the Emperor System. Thirdly, Christians' love of peace contradicted with the aggressive policy of the Emperor System which rationalised colonial aggression and the war of aggression in the name of maintaining peace in Asia. Thus, a comparative study of Christians' conflict with the Emperor System both in Japan and colonial Korea reveals the fundamentalist nature of the Emperor System's ideology, which was nevertheless sharply challenged by the equally fundamentalist faith combined with an eschatological and nationalistic vision held by Korean Christians.
著者
安達 崇之 町田 慎治 佐々木 彰 上原 圭太 関谷 秀介 安田 隆 柴垣 有吾
出版者
一般社団法人 日本透析医学会
雑誌
日本透析医学会雑誌 (ISSN:13403451)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.11, pp.657-662, 2015 (Released:2015-11-27)
参考文献数
18
被引用文献数
1

症例は80歳女性. 糖尿病合併末期腎不全にて8年前より維持透析中の患者であり, 夜間に転倒, 歩行困難となったため, 当院救命センターへ搬送となった. 重度な外傷などはないものの, 炎症反応, 軽度意識障害が持続するため, 精査目的に腎臓内科へ転科となった. 各種検査で, 細菌・ウィルス感染症, 膠原病, 悪性腫瘍は否定的であった. 病歴を振り返ると, 透析導入初期より好酸球増多症を認め, 薬剤や透析機器に対するアレルギー反応が疑われ, 調整が行われていたが改善はなく, 特発性好酸球増多症との診断で, ステロイドが投与されていた. 今回の入院時も好酸球増多症が持続していたため, 詳細な鑑別を行い, その一環として寄生虫疾患の検索を施行し, 便より糞線虫を検出した. 呼吸器・消化器含む, 糞線虫症による臓器障害の所見は否定的であった. 透析患者における原因不明の好酸球増多時には, 頻発地域でなくても寄生虫疾患の除外が必要と考えられた.
著者
畑田 智子 大浜 用克 新開 真人 武 浩志 北河 徳彦 工藤 博典 望月 響子
出版者
特定非営利活動法人 日本小児外科学会
雑誌
日本小児外科学会雑誌 (ISSN:0288609X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.6, pp.915-919, 2010-10-20 (Released:2017-01-01)
参考文献数
17
被引用文献数
1

【目的】食道閉鎖症根治術後の吻合部狭窄に胃食道逆流症(GERD)を合併した場合,狭窄が増悪するために,拡張術による拡張効果が乏しいと言われている.食道閉鎖症根治術後にみられたGERD合併例とGERD非合併例の吻合部狭窄に対する治療方針について検討した.【方法】1974年から2006年8月までに当院で治療し,術後の追跡が可能な113例の中で術後に吻合部狭窄を合併した31例を対象に,GERD合併群と非合併群の2群に分け,吻合部狭窄に対する治療成績を比較検討した.【結果】吻合部狭窄例31例の内,GERD合併例は14例であり,GERD非合併例は17例であった.GERD合併群の上下食道断端距離(gap)は26.7±13.5mmであり,GERD非合併群は15.0±9.3mmで両群間に有意差を認めた.吻合部狭窄とGERDの合併群では14例中6例に吻合時に食道環状筋切開術(Livaditis)が付加された.吻合部狭窄に対しては拡張術を,GERDには制酸剤投与を行った.その結果GERD非合併群では平均2.4回の拡張術で吻合部狭窄症の症状が改善したのに対し,GERD合併群では平均7.3回の拡張術を行っても狭窄の改善がみられなかった.11例に噴門形成術を行い,3例には狭窄部切除を行った.噴門形成術後は8例が速やかに改善,3例はブジーを追加して改善した.狭窄部を切除した内の2例は間もなく噴門形成術を追加施行し,他1例はGERD症状が軽快したので経過観察とし,そのまま改善した.【結語】GERDを合併した吻合部狭窄に対しては,制酸剤の投与と拡張術だけでは狭窄に改善がみられないため,早期に噴門形成術を行うべきである.
著者
松川 晴美 浦坂 純子 Harumi Matsukawa Junko Urasaka
出版者
同志社大学社会学会
雑誌
評論・社会科学 = Hyoron Shakaikagaku (Social Science Review) (ISSN:02862840)
巻号頁・発行日
no.143, pp.45-65, 2022-12-31

大学生の約3割が将来についての見通しを持てずにいるという事実から,特に大学入学までの実家の暮らしぶりが,その後のキャリア構想,キャリア実現にもたらす格差について検証することを目的としている。分析のため独自にWEB調査を実施し,4年制大学卒業または博士前期課程を修了後3年以内の男女3,090人から回答を得た。 分析の結果,暮らしぶりは,大学入学時のキャリア構想,キャリア実現の双方に大きく影響を与えていた。また初職就職時では,キャリア構想に対する暮らしぶりの影響は消えるが,キャリア実現には強くその影響が残った。 大学生は,やりたいことを探す力さえも生育環境に左右されている。この点を,現行のキャリア教育は見落としている可能性がある。
著者
内田 晴久 吉田 加奈 菅 幹雄
出版者
一般社団法人 水素エネルギー協会
雑誌
水素エネルギーシステム (ISSN:13416995)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.23, no.1, pp.29-34, 1998 (Released:2022-07-21)

As an example of estimating the environmental impact of hydrogen energy system, we calculated the emission of CO2 at hydrogen production and at transportation through gas pipelines. The emission was estimated using environmental I/O table. The CO2 emission depend strongly on the kind of primary energy. For the energy transportation, less emission was obtained in case of long distance transportation using tubes inadequate diameters than electric power transportation for the same amount of energy.
著者
YOKO YAMAMOTO ATSUSHI WATANABE
出版者
Applied Microbiology, Molecular and Cellular Biosciences Research Foundation
雑誌
The Journal of General and Applied Microbiology (ISSN:00221260)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20, no.2, pp.83-86, 1974 (Released:2006-08-16)
参考文献数
8
被引用文献数
14 16

The fatty acid composition of lichens and their symbionts was determined. In lichens, linoleic and oleic acids were the most abundant and these acids were also rich in their phyco- and mycobionts. A small amount of arachidonic acid was detected in some of the lichens and their phyco- and mycobionts.
著者
谷口 恭章 出口 芳樹 斉田 勝 野田 寛治
出版者
公益社団法人 日本薬理学会
雑誌
日本薬理学雑誌 (ISSN:00155691)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.104, no.6, pp.433-446, 1994 (Released:2007-02-06)
参考文献数
51
被引用文献数
7 8

皮膚刺激薬(counterirritants)の外用鎮痛作用を各種疼痛モデルを使用して検討した.マウスでのホルマリン疼痛モデルにおいて,ホルマリン注射後5分以内に認められる一過性の疼痛反応(early phase:E相)に対して,l-メントールおよびペパーミント油はその外用適用により明らかな鎮痛作用を示した.サリチル酸メチルやdl-カンファーにおいても軽度ながら鎮痛作用が認められた.これとは対照的にインドメタシンの経口投与はホルマリン注射後20分前後をピークとする持続性のある疼痛反応(late phase:L相)に対してのみ鎮痛作用を示した.麻薬性鎮痛薬であるモルヒネは両相に対して明らかな鎮痛作用を示した.E相でのl-メントールの鎮痛作用はナロキソンおよびデキサメタゾン処置により顕著に拮抗され,ベスタチンにより増強された.また,l-メントールはマウスの熱板法やラットの後肢加圧法においても鎮痛作用を示した.一方,l-メントールはラットのカラゲニン足浮腫に対しては軽度の抑制作用を示したが,in vitroでのプロスタグランジンE2生合成阻害作用は示さなかった.また,l-メントールはモルモットにおいて軽度の表面および浸潤麻酔作用を示した.これらの知見により,皮膚刺激薬であるl-メントールの外用鎮痛作用は直接的な抗炎症作用によるものではなく,その作用機序として内因性オピオイド系の活性化とともに局所麻酔作用を含む局所効果が一部関与する可能性が示唆された.
著者
中田 瑞穂
出版者
北海道大学スラブ研究センター
雑誌
スラヴ研究 (ISSN:05626579)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, pp.249-280, 2000

This article examines the Czechoslovak way of parliamentary democracy as it confronts the World Depression, specifically during its first phase from the outbreak of economic crisis until 1932. Three features were characteristic of political structure in Czechoslovakia. First of all, there were more than 15 parties reflecting the ethnic and socio-economic diversity of the Republic. Political parties were widely spread on the two dimensional space. The first dimension was ethnical, setting the Czechs in the centre and the Slovaks, the Germans and other smaller ethnic groups on the sides. The second dimension was socio-economic, namely, labour, agricultural, catholic and industrial. From more than these 15 parties, at least five were necessary to form a majority coalition for government. The second feature was the predominance of the Agrarian Party, which became the mass political party of the Czech organized agricultural interest. Largely due to the support from the agricultural Slovakia, the Agrarian Party became the biggest party in Czechoslovakia and used its power to enforce policies for the benefit of agriculture. Its interest-oriented political style influenced the entire Czechoslovak political scene between the wars. The last feature was the multiplicity of parties representing the working class. In addition to the multiethnic Communists, there were socialist workers, who were first ethnically divided, and then further split along dogmatic lines, such that the Czechoslovaks and the Germans had two socialist parties each - the Social Democrats and the National Socialists. These socialist parties, especially the Czechoslovak Social Democrats, had a positive attitude toward participating in the Government. While most social democrats in other European countries remained in opposition, Czechoslovak Social Democrats had kept an affirmative stance to the Republic and reentered into a governing coalition in 1929, after 3 years as an opposition party. The working class had its representative right within the coalition government during the hard years of the World Depression. On October 1929, the parliamentary election was held in Czechoslovakia and as a result a new coalition government was formed under the premiership of agrarian František Udržal. It was a broad coalition government, which consisted of more than eight parties representing various socio-economic interests. Although the Communists and three German and Slovak nationalist parties remained in opposition, the coalition enabled the large majority of the population to be represented in the political decision making process. Concurrent with the coalition formation in late 1929, the World Depression broke out across the seas, which ultimately exerted considerable pressure on the political system in every country. In Czechoslovakia the representation of agricultural interests through both Czechoslovak and German Agrarian parties, workers' interests through two Czechoslovak and German Social Democratic parties, as well as the Czechoslovak National Socialists, helped to canalise their demands into the political arena and secured the stability of the political system during the economic crisis. Due to the diverse and sometimes conflicting interests within the coalition, it was inherently difficult for the coalition government to form agreements. In particular, the Agrarians attempted to use their vantage position as the largest and pivotal party in the coalition to demand subsidies and protective tariffs to ameliorate the disastrous consequences of the agricultural crisis, without any regard for the interests of city consumers or industries. Conflicts within the coalition became intensified and coalition negotiation dragged on. Important measures, which were urgently needed to cope with the effects of depression, were postponed and forestalled. It was necessary to conceive of some means to negotiate, and to find solutions, which would be acceptable to all member parties of the coalition. The coexistence of various organised interests in a coalition had been the perennial problem for the Czechoslovak parliamentary democracy from its inception. In the 1920s, they worked out a special meeting of five people, the Pětka (the Five), who represented at that time the five coalition parties, to negotiate and make compromise. However, under the new broader coalition government, Socialists criticised the Pětka for being unconstitutional and unparliamentary, and asked for alternatives in intracoalition decision making. One proposal was "the political committee of ministers", with representatives from each party of the coalition. While the Pětka, which was an institution outside the government, and its members were not always government officials, but sometimes merely influential persons in each party, "the political committee of ministers" was a committee inside the cabinet, within which ministers negotiated with one another as representatives of coalition parties. Although they could find compromises on discrete problems, they left the cabinet with the responsibility of making final decisions. The other means of intra-coalition negotiation was the organisation of coalition committees in the parliament. With each emergent problem, an ad hoc committee was set up to address the issue, such as sugar production, housing or social policy. Coalition committees were asked to find practical settlement of conflicts among coalition parties to pave the way for the government decision making. In spite of these devices, as the Prime Minister Udržal lost support from his own Agrarian Party, it became harder and harder for the wheel of coalition politics to turn forward. Furthermore, as a result of deflation policies, the state budget could afford smaller subsidies or supports, thus making compromise between conflicting interests even more difficult. In this phase of the economic crisis, since the Agrarians, and the Social Democrats as well, presented their demands without an overall blueprint for the national economy, which would have helped to direct the choice of policies, compromise between coalition parties became the only measure for political decision making. However, the opposition within the agrarian party intensified, and the coalition compromise failed completely in July 1932. With the change of the Prime Minister's seat to Malypetr, who was a skilful parliamentarian, the same coalition was revitalised. Malypetr made it the absolute condition for his acceptance of the premiership that all the coalition parties agree on balancing the budget for 1933. Under this agreement, a budget committee comprised of seven coalition parties in the parliament was established to help Malypetr to solve the budget impasse. In the process of this analysis, this article demonstrates that the Czechoslovak way of parliamentary democracy was still viable even under the pressure from the World Depression. Compromise and logrolling were always the last resort to resolving some conflicting issues, but the arena of decision making shifted from the informal Pětka to the Government or the Parliament, reflective of a degree of maturity in Czechoslovak parliamentary democracy. However, it also became clear that this way of coalition politics became difficult when each interest group demanded the state for help, even though the resources, especially the financial means, of the state were limited. At the end of this article, the author indicates that socialists began to see one solution to this problem in the Agrarians' demand for state regulation in agricultural sectors. The socialists hoped that the Agrarians would understand the necessity of overall state planning and regulation of the national economy. Moreover, after the Nazi seizure of power, the Czechoslovak way of parliamentary democracy was challenged by the requirement for efficacy in decision making and consideration of national interests. The response to that requisite by the coalition parties will be examined in the next work of the author.