著者

村上 輝康

出版者

サービス学会

雑誌

サービソロジー (ISSN:21885362)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.2, pp.6-13, 2014-07-28 (Released:2017-10-01)

参考文献数

14

被引用文献数

1

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.12, pp.1967-2003, 2004

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From the late 16^<th> to the early 17^<th> century, amidst the "Age of Commerce" in the East Asian maritime region, many Chinese, including merchants, smugglers, captives, and drifters, came to south-west Japan. Especially in Kyushu, where most of the Chinese arrived, not a few Chinese settlements were formed in various seaports and castle towns. In this paper, the author discusses emigrant Chinese intellectuals in this maritime region, by focusing on physicians who sojourned in south Kyushu. Nearby the castle town of Obi 飫肥, There are two epitaphs on gravestones of Xu Zhilin 徐之〓, who had served as a physician in Obi domain during the 17^<th> century. According to these epitaphs, Xu zhilin was borne in the gentry lineage of Shangyu 上虞 county of Zhejiang province. In 1619, He made a voyage to Beijing aspiring to pass the civil service examinations, but was captured by pirates along the way. He was first taken to Nagasaki, then later moved to Satsuma, where he learned medicine from a Chinese physician residing there. Five years later, He was invited by the lord of Obi domain to serve as one of his physicians until 1666. Concerning the pedigree of Xu Zhilin, except the two epitaphs, no available sources had been found in Japan. But I had found three editions of genealogies of Xu lineage in Shanghai Library which describe the family line of Xu Zhilin in detail, and accounts on ancestors of him are almost coincide with these of epitaphs. From these genealogies, we can ascertain that he actually was a member of elite, lineage producing numerous scholar officials from the 16^<th> century. From the late 16^<th> century onward, the lift of prohibition of private maritime trade remarkably stimulated the oversea trades with south Fujian as its node. Although the ban on voyages to Japan remained, many Fujian traders had sailed to Kyushu. Particularly, south Kyushu was gradually integrated into the network of Fujian merchants. Arrivals of many Chinese physicians were also one aspect of the expansion of the Fujian network, which accompanied transfers of culture, technology, and human resources. During 16^<th> and 17^<th> century, enormous amount of silver continued to flow onto the southeast coast region of China, particularly south Fujian, from Japan and the New World. The imported silver was gradually diffused all over China, and a considerable part of it went to Beijing as taxes, then thrown onto the frontier bases of the northern border region as military expenditures. As a result the influx of silver produced booming trade and economic prosperity in the maritime Asia and China's northern border. Numerous Chinese attracted by economic chances also flowed, into these regions as traders, peasants, soldiers, and various specialists. It should be noted that the Chinese who immigrated to foreign countries included marginal intellectuals such as lower literati, merchants, and physicians. They often served the military-commercial powers in those respective regions and countries, offered advanced Chinese cultures and technology, and mediated commercial or military negotiations between the Ming Dynasty and foreign powers. Arrivals of Chinese physicians in Japan were one phenomenon, of such emigration by Chinese marginal intellectuals during the "Age of Commerce" in East Asia.

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

九州大学大学院人文科学研究院

雑誌

史淵 (ISSN:03869326)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.144, pp.55-92, 2007-03

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.8, pp.1423-1458, 2009

被引用文献数

1

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This article reexamines, with the help of contemporary Chinese and European sources, the plan by Kato Kiyomasa, the lord of Northern Higo Domain, to initiate trade with Luzon during Toyotomi Hideyoshi's invasion of Korea, which Kiyomasa led in 1592. In a letter written to his retainers at home in late 1593, Kiyomasa ordered a Chinese junk loaded with wheat and silver to be dispatched to what the author argues was Luzon, since 1) junks were maritime, rather than coastal, trading vessels, and 2) wheat, the major cargo on board, was the main commodity in Japan's trade with the Philippines at that time. The author argues that Kiyomasa, fearing a long campaign in Korea, planned to used the profits from the Luzon venture to procure sorely needed arms and ammunition. For Japan during the last years of the 16^<th> century, its supply of munitions, like lead and saltpeter, were supplied by three routes, all terminating in Kyushu: 1) the Macao-Nagasaki route, 2) the Chinese route linking Fukien with Kyushu and 3) the entrepot trade from China and Southeast Asia through such points as Luzon. However, given the fact that around the time of Hideyoshi's invasion, the Philippines was suffering from a lack of munitions due to decreasing Chinese imports, Kiyomasa planned to trade for such highly sought after commodities as gold, for the purpose of procuring munitions within Japan. Furthermore, it is a fact that Kiyomasa ordered another junk to sail to Luzon in 1576, which succeeded in arriving at Manila in the summer of the following year, despite worsening diplomatic relations between Japan and the Philippines. Finally, the author confirms that during the 1590s, Japanese vessels began to venture out on the high seas, to not only Luzon, but such Southeast Asian continental locations as Cochin China, Siam, Cambodia and Malacca. The activities of the vermillion seal ship's voyages to the region, which began at the beginning of the 17^<th> century, were hardly spontaneous events, since their routes and trade activities had already been pioneered during last decades of the previous century.

著者

小枝 圭太 藤井 琢磨 吉野 哲夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本魚類学会

雑誌

魚類学雑誌 (ISSN:00215090)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.1, pp.27-31, 2014-04-25 (Released:2016-05-22)

参考文献数

17

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A single specimen of Photoblepharon palpebratum (Boddaert, 1781), formerly limited to the tropical western Pacific, was collected from Okinawa Island, Japan at a depth of 1 m. The specimen was characterized by the following combination of characters: single dorsal fin with 3 spines; a black shutter lifting to cover the subocular organ; a large white spot on the dorsal corner of the opercle; pelvic-fin rays I, 6. The tiny first dorsalfin spine was identified from a radiograph. The specimen represents the first record of P. palpebratum from Japan and is the northernmost record of the species. The specimen produced a total of 273 eggs, but those were probably postmaturity.

著者

三宅 亨

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学総合研究所紀要 (ISSN:1346048X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.3, pp.173-196, 2012-03

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This paper aims to describe the history of the East China Sea area in the medieval Japanese age, with an emphasis on the activities of wako in the area. Their activities have been largely neglected in official historical accounts as marginal. Wako is often defined as "Japanese pirates" in the 14th to 16th centuries. This simplified definition, however, fails to give the entire picture of wako. It is true that wako in their early days were Japanese who raided neighboring Korean islands and coasts for food and local people, whom wako used as their slaves or sold elsewhere as slaves, but this is only part of the wako history. In the latter half of the 14th century, the Mongols, who ruled China in those days, invaded Kyushu, the western part of Japan, twice (in 1274 and 1281), but failed to conquer the country and had to withdraw. A great many people in northern Kyushu suffered the damage caused by the two wars, but the Japanese government in Kamakura did not have enough property for compensation. Some of the dissatisfied common people, as well as samurai warriors, in northern Kyushu began to sail as far as Korea and eventually China sometimes to trade and sometimes to attack and pillage coastal towns and villages. They were referred to as wako and were a source of fear for Koreans and Chinese. The Mongolians were defeated in China and expelled to the north of the border in 1368. The newly-established Ming dynasty faced two problems: the Mongolians, who retreated into the north and the wako, who advanced to the southeastern part of China. While they were busy defending themselves against Mongolian invasions, the Ming dynasty imposed a strict ban on overseas trade by private citizens and merchants for fear that they might cooperate with wako intruders. The Chinese government monopolized overseas trading and began to trade formally with the Muromachi government in Japan, which had replaced the Kamakura government in 1333. The Japanese and Ming trade was temporarily suspended in 1423 as a result of a clash between two Japanese trading ships. Some Chinese merchants took advantage of this incident and started smuggling with Japanese. They joined hands with Chinese pirates to protect themselves and their trading goods. Eventually, they armed themselves and came to work together with their Japanese counterparts. Although the word wa means "Japanese", Chinese predominated the wako in the middle of the 16th century. There were Koreans, Southeastern smugglers, and even Portuguese among the wako. One of the most prominent wako leaders was Wang Zhi (?-1559). He was originally a Chinese merchant, but he joined wako groups after he failed in his business in the 1530s. He sailed to Japan as a smuggler and settled in Goto, an island at the western end of Japan, and later in Hirado, a seaport in the northwestern tip of Kyushu. According to official school textbooks in Japan, two Portuguese visitors to a small island introduced matchlock muskets to Japan in 1453. Actually, however, their visit to Tanegashima island was arranged by Wang Zhi, who decided that the gun business was his new business opportunity. Wang also helped a Portuguese mercantile ship to come to Hirado, the first visit ever by Westerners to mainland Japan. By this time he was acknowledged as the paramount wako leader and the most wanted pirate by the Ming dynasty. In 1548, the Ming authorities attacked an island off Ningbo, a port for official Japanese-Ming trade. The island had served as the largest base for wako activities since 1526, but now their facilities were completely destroyed, and wako had to retreat from the island and seek new bases elsewhere. This triggered a series of large counterattacks by Chinese wako. They raided southeastern coastal cities. The Ming dynasty could not control them any longer, and many cities were captured and looted, and numerous innocent citizens were killed during the raids. The wako attacks lasted until 1557 when Wang Zhi decided to return home from Japan to China after his mother, wife and children were held in custody. He was executed later in 1559. The other Chinese wako fled west to the Fujian and Guangdong area. It was at the end of the 16th century that wako disappeared from the South China Sea. As we have seen above, wako were not necessarily "Japanese pirates". They were armed smugglers consisting of Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, and Southeast Asians. They contributed a great deal to the economic development and advance in civilization of the East China Area in the transitional period from the medieval age to early-modern times of Eastern Asia.

著者

伊藤 公哉

出版者

大阪経大学会

雑誌

大阪経大論集 (ISSN:04747909)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.4, pp.151, 2014 (Released:2018-02-15)

著者

酒井 久治

出版者

日本水産工学会

雑誌

日本水産工学会誌 (ISSN:09167617)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.35-40, 2017 (Released:2018-05-01)

参考文献数

1

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Training vessel, SHINYO MARU of the Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology was built in March, 2016. She is the training vessel which put emphasis on fisheries science, oceanographic survey and navigation officer education. This paper described the outline of SHINYO MARU and her building record.

著者

松村 勲 尾曲 修二

出版者

鹿屋体育大学

雑誌

学術研究紀要 / 鹿屋体育大学

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, pp.1-11, 2016-03-01

著者

大蔵省印刷局 [編]

出版者

日本マイクロ写真

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1885年02月24日, 1885-02-24

著者

上原 邦雄 檀原 袈裟男

出版者

公益社団法人 精密工学会

雑誌

精密機械 (ISSN:03743543)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.490, pp.1043-1049, 1975-11-05 (Released:2009-06-30)

参考文献数

9

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This paper deals the cutting behavior of copper and aluminum in vacuum machining in which the materials were turned by specially made lathe at 40 m/min of cutting speed and under the reduction of pressure up to 10-4 mmHg. It was found that the cutting characteristics such as cutting force, cutting ratio etc. are not influenced by the degree of vacuum in machining tough pitch copper, oxygen free copper and 98% aluminum, however, they are affected in machining high purity aluminum. This is a contrasting result compared with the former paper in which the cutting behavior of carbon steel and titanium was examined. In order to clarify the cause of above phenomena, the experimental data were examined in detail basing on five factors which would affect the state of cutting in vacuum machining. As the result, it is cleared that the constancy of the cutting force in machining tough pitch copper and oxygen free copper is due to the nearly equal shear strength of adsorption layer or oxide film at the tool-chip interface compared with that of metallic contact part of the interface. Further, it is concluded that the cutting behavior of aluminum is affected strongly by the existence or the formation of γ alumina at tool-chip interface.

著者

村上 忠洋 横地 由大 中野 隆

出版者

公益社団法人 日本理学療法士協会

雑誌

理学療法学Supplement Vol.42 Suppl. No.2 (第50回日本理学療法学術大会 抄録集)

巻号頁・発行日

pp.1742, 2015 (Released:2015-04-30)

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【はじめに,目的】虚弱高齢者は立位姿勢を保持する際,バランス能力の低下を代償するために足趾を屈曲し,床面を圧迫して姿勢制御を行っていることが報告されている。これにより,しばしば第2-5趾に近位趾節間(PIP)関節が屈曲位,遠位趾節間(DIP)関節が過伸展位のいわゆるハンマー趾を認めることがある。今回,このハンマー趾の発生に,長趾屈筋(FDL)あるいは短趾屈筋(FDB)のどちらの活動が影響するかを確認するため,解剖実習体を用いてそれぞれの腱を牽引し,機能解剖学的に検討したので報告する。【方法】研究・教育用に供された解剖実習体5体を対象とし,両側の足趾部を剥皮後,第3趾を足根中足関節において離断した。FDL腱とFDB腱および中足趾節(MP)関節,PIP関節,DIP関節の関節包を温存し,それ以外の軟部組織を除去した。5体10趾のうち,DIP関節の可動性が欠如していた1趾を除く9趾を用いて分析を行った。中足骨の近位部より髄腔内に挿入した直径3mmの鋼線を,器具に取り付け中足骨を固定した。バネばかりを用い0.5kgf,1kgf,1.5kgf,2kgfの力を加え,FDL腱とFDB腱をそれぞれ牽引した。この際,立位姿勢を想定して足趾底側面を台に接地した「接地条件」と,接地しない「非接地条件」で腱の牽引を行った。MP関節,PIP関節,DIP関節の関節角度を計測するため,牽引時および非牽引時において,側面よりデジタルカメラを用いて撮影を行った。その画像をもとに画像処理ソフト「ImageJ(米国国立衛生研究所)」を用い,各関節の角度を計測した。関節角度は,非牽引時を基準(0°)とし,牽引時の角度変化を求めた。なお,屈曲方向への変化をプラス,伸展方向への変化をマイナスで表した。【結果】「非接地条件」においてFDL腱を0.5kgf,1kgf,1.5kgf,2kgfで牽引した場合,基準からの平均角度変化はMP関節では6.9°,22.9°,27.6°,31.8°,PIP関節では18.7°,25.8°,31.7°,34.8°,DIP関節では12.5°,15.4°,16.2°,17.8°であった。いずれの関節も牽引力の増加に伴い屈曲角度が増大した。FDB腱を牽引した場合,MP関節では16.9°,22.9°,27.4°,32.5°,PIP関節では13.7°,21.3°,26.3°,29.5°と屈曲角度が増大した。DIP関節では-0.4°,-1.2°,-1.6°,-2.2°とほとんど変化を認めなかった。「接地条件」においてFDL腱を牽引した場合,MP関節では-2.2°,-4.3°,-5.3°,-6.7°とわずかに伸展した。PIP関節では7.7°,10.5°,12.9°,15.6°,DIP関節では7.9°,11.1°,13.8°13.9°と,ともに屈曲角度が増大した。FDB腱を牽引した場合,MP関節では1.6°,1.1°,1.1°,0.0°とほとんど変化を認めなかった。PIP関節では7.0°,10.9°,14.2°,14.1°と屈曲角度が増大し,DIP関節では-4.5°,-8.7°,-11.3°,-14.3°と伸展角度が増大した。【考察】虚弱高齢者で立位姿勢を保持する際にしばしば認めるハンマー趾は,足趾屈筋群の活動により足趾を床に圧しつけて姿勢制御を行っているためと考えられる。末節骨底部に付着するFDLの主要な作用は,DIP関節の屈曲であり,補助的にMP関節やPIP関節の屈曲に関与する。中節骨底部に付着するFDBの主要な作用は,PIP関節の屈曲であり,補助的にMP関節の屈曲に関与する。両筋とも,ハンマー趾の特徴であるDIP関節の伸展作用は有していない。しかしながら,足趾が床面に接地した「接地条件」においてFDB腱を牽引した場合,PIP関節の屈曲によって足趾先端部が床に固定される。さらにPIP関節の屈曲に伴う中節骨の傾斜によってDIP関節は受動的に伸展される。したがって虚弱高齢者のハンマー趾は,バランス能力の低下を代償するために,FDBの活動が過剰になっていることがその発生機序の一要因と考えられる。【理学療法学研究としての意義】足趾屈曲変形は,足趾の胼胝や鶏眼を生じ,疼痛の原因になり,歩行能力の低下や転倒のリスクを高めることが報告されている。こうした症例に対して理学療法を行う上では,足趾屈曲変形の原因を究明することが重要である。今回の研究では,ご遺体を用いたFDL腱とFDB腱の牽引実験により,足趾屈曲変形の一要因を解明することができた。

著者

中川 ユカリ

出版者

跡見学園女子大学国文学科

雑誌

国文学科報 (ISSN:03886204)

巻号頁・発行日

no.15, pp.69-82, 1987-03

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図版あり

著者

谷口 晋 生山 祥一郎 安田 幹彦 森 正樹 西村 純二

出版者

一般社団法人 日本糖尿病学会

雑誌

糖尿病 (ISSN:0021437X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.5, pp.341-346, 2005 (Released:2008-04-11)

参考文献数

36

被引用文献数

2

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症例1は48歳, 男性. 急性〓桃炎罹患後, 顎下部の腫脹・疼痛・熱感が出現. CTにて顎下部にガスを多量に含む顎下隙膿瘍を認め, 切開排膿後ドレナージ, 抗菌薬にて治癒した. Prevotella 属, Streptococcus milleri 属を検出した. 症例2は75歳, 女性. 関節リウマチ (RA) の増悪を疑われて入院後, 突然ショック状態となり, 上腹部の筋性防御と肝胆道系酵素の上昇を認めた. CTにて肝左葉に大量のガスが貯留する肝膿瘍を認め, ドレナージ, 抗菌薬にて治癒した. Klebsiella pneumoniae, Enterococcus raffinosus を検出した. 症例3は45歳, 女性. RAの経過中に両下腿後面の疼痛・熱感・緊満感を訴えた. MRIにて両側腓腹筋部皮下にガスを混在した蜂窩織炎を認め, 抗菌薬にて治癒した. これら3症例は糖尿病患者に発症したガス産生性感染症で, 非Clostridium 属が起因菌となることが多いことがあらためて示唆された.

著者

中島 樂章

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.2, pp.267-299, 2007-09

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Toyotomi Hideyoshi began the invasion of Korea in 1592, but as warfare became mired in a stalemate from 1593 through the ninth month of 1596, peace negotiations between Japan and the Ming dynasty dragged on interminably. In this article, I examine the relationship of the arguments within the Ming court over whether a tribute relationship should be opened with Japan and its relationship to changes in the trade order in the East Asia of the time. In the course of the peace negotiations, Hideyoshi continued to demand the cession of the southern portion of the Korean peninsula and resumption of official trade between Japan and the Ming. In response, the Ming dynasty saw the cessation of Korean territory as out of the question and continued to debate whether to invest Hideyoshi with the title King of Japan and whether to permit the tribute trade. The great majority of the bureaucracy opposed both the investment of Hideyoshi and permission of the tribute trade, and in the fifth month of 1594 the Wanli Emperor first ordered the denial of the investment and tribute trade, but then reversed himself and agreed in the twelfth month to permit the investment alone, but not to recognize the tribute trade. Those who opposed opening trade with Japan argued that such trade with would invite worsening of the peace and public order on the southeastern coast and bring about financial costs similar to those of the Mongol trade. Furthermore, Grand Secretary 内閣大學士 Shen Yiguan 沈一貫, who was from Ningbo, which was to be the entrepot for the Japanese tribute trade, feared the worsening of public order in Ningbo and opposed the resumption of trade. In contrast, thosewho advocated the resumption of trade with Japan were a distinct minority. Among these, Chen Yidian 陳懿典 argued articulately that trade involving Japanese silver and Chinese commercial products would be unlike the Mongol trade and would benefit the Ming dynasty. Moreover, Zhao Shizhen 趙士愼, who was famed as the author of Shenqi pu 神器譜, submitted a memorial to the throne advising the toleration of trade with Japan. In addition, Grand Secretary Zhang Wei 張位, while opposing recognition of tribute trade with Japan, proposed a plan that would permit Chinese maritime traders to sail to Japan and conduct trade. However, in the end the argument against trade with Japan was stronger and the trade was not resumed. The East Asian tribute trade system that had existed since the early Ming deteriorated in the latter half of the 16th century, and in addition to the tribute trade the countries surrounding China carried out mutual trade 互市 in Guangdong and on the northern borders and utilized the trade routes of the Chinese maritime merchants from Fujian to Southeast Asian, thereby forming the gongshi 貢市 system that combined aspects of the tribute and private trade. Japan alone was left out of the system due to fears of its aggressive actions. Reflecting the interest of the merchants of Sakai and Hakata, Konishi Yukinaga 小西行長 and So Yoshitoshi 宗義智 , who were in charge of the Japanese side in the peace negotiations, sought to realize peace by resuming trade between Japan and the Ming. On the other hand, those on the Ming side who groped for a peaceful resolution on the basis of the resumption of the tribute trade were centered around Grand Secretary Zhao Zhigao 趙志臯 and the Military Commissioner 經略 Song Yingchang 宋應昌, who came from Zhejiang, in addition to Chen Yidian and Zhang Han 張瀚, who was also from Zhejiang and argued forcefully that maritime trade on the southeastern coast would be financially beneficial and unlike trade on the northern borders, which had incurred financial burdens. However, in the end the gap between the positions of Hideyoshi, who stubbornly clung to demands for territory, and Ming bureaucrats, who opposed trade with Japan, remained and brought about the breakdown of the peace negotiations.

著者

高野 郁郎 松 賢次郎 宇沢 充圭 石井 良章

雑誌

関東整形災害外科学会雑誌 (ISSN:03897087)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.2, pp.173-176, 1995-04

参考文献数

10

著者

杉谷 繁樹 野口 耕司 松下 睦 下地 昭昌 柴田 博次 赤星 義彦

出版者

医学書院

巻号頁・発行日

pp.987-989, 1989-08-25

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抄録:22歳男子で両側性に長母趾屈筋腱腱鞘炎があり,右側は狭窄性腱鞘炎が著明で疼痛を伴った弾撥現象及びlockingを生じたため腰麻下に腱鞘切開術を施行して良好な結果を得られた.手術時所見は他の報告例のほとんどが示すように,踵骨載距突起下の線維性pulley内で腱は著明に変性して紡錘状に肥大しており,これが弾撥現象の原因と推察された.また変性部位には比較的新しいと思われる縦断裂を認めた.この弾撥現象は14歳頃に発現しており,この発生機転には明らかにスポーツの関与(短距離走)が考えられ,長母趾屈筋腱が繰り返しbowstringの作用を受けたため腱の変性を生じたものと推察される.主にクラシックバレエによる障害として同様の報告が散見されるが,他のスポーツを含めて一種のスポーツ障害として本障害を念頭に置く必要があろう.

著者

杉浦 博基 横江 清司 井戸田 仁

雑誌

日本足の外科学会雑誌 = The journal of the Japanese Society for Surgery of the Foot (ISSN:09167927)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.1, pp.60-63, 1997-08-25

参考文献数

7

被引用文献数

1

著者

河智 義弘

出版者

Osaka Urban Living and Health Association

雑誌

生活衛生 (ISSN:05824176)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.2, pp.49-64, 1994-03-10 (Released:2010-03-11)

参考文献数

24

著者

加藤 浩

出版者

美学会

雑誌

美学 (ISSN:05200962)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.1, pp.12-23, 1991-06-30 (Released:2017-05-22)

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Plato censures the imitative poetry and at the same time makes many mythoi in his dialogues. The purpose of this paper is, therefore, to analyse the usages of mythos and its related terms in the context in which they occur and to consider the relation between mythos and poiesis. In the Protagoras the compound of mythos and logos produced by rhetorike is contrasted with logos gained by dialektike, while in the Gorgias and the Phaedo two escatological mythoi anticipate the horizont which logos will be able to reach. When the Idea of Good and dialektite are introduced in the Republic, the inconclusiveness of the dialogue and the conclusiveness of dialektike become obvious. Mythos of Er is allowed to be told as far as it points to the conclusive horizont which dialektike will ultimately reach and makes the dialogue conclusive. Likewise, mythos in the Phaedrus represents the comprehensive vision of dialektike. Mythos as poiesis is characterized by falsehood. But in the Republic mythos is judged according to two norms which regulate what the poets should tell of gods and men. Thence I infer that mythos of Er indicates the ideal mythos which should be told of men. The poetics of Plato, if possible, will be called philosophical as compared with the technical poetics of Aristotle.