著者
青木 睦
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要. アーカイブズ研究篇 = The bulletin of the National Institute of Japanese Literature. 人間文化研究機構国文学研究資料館 編 (ISSN:18802249)
巻号頁・発行日
no.12, pp.97-117, 2016-03

本稿は、東日本大震災の被災を受けた岩手県、宮城県県内における基礎自治体の組織アーカイブズの発災時の消滅状況や発災後の取り組み、救助・復旧を検証し、今後に向けた課題を提示することを目的とした。東日本大震災の被災地を分析対象とし、筆者の実施組織である国文学研究資料館の事例とともに、全国歴史資料保存利用機関連絡協議会、国立公文書館・群馬県立文書館、被災庁舎を調査した調査報告等を取り上げて整理した。各組織の活動実践を分析した結果、被災前の文書管理の組織体制や情報システムの状況が震災によりどのような被害をうけ、救助の経過とともに、それらがどのように復旧、再生に向けて動いていったか、今後の大規模災害に備えた必要な対策がどうあるべきかということを再検討する。最後に、被災アーカイブズの保存の課題、今後の被災資料の復旧支援とその課題をまとめて提案したい。The purpose of this article is to investigate circumstances under which records of institutional archives in municipalities in Tohoku-area prefectures such as Iwate and Miyagi were destructed by the Aftermath of the 2011 Tohoku Earthquake and Tsunami and to examine various activities for salvage and conservation of the records after the disaster in order to demonstrate challenges to come.The article analyzes the records in the affected area on the basis of survey reports that illustrate the activities for preserving them carried out by the Japan Society of Archives Institutions, the National Archives of Japan, the Gumma Prefectural Archives and government offices the buildings of which were damaged by the disaster as well as the National Institute of Japanese Literature in which this author was responsible for the work.The result of this analysis clarifies how the records management and information system under investigation were destructed by the calamity and its restoration and recovery were advanced and reconsider how the measures for large scaled disaster should be taken in the future. Finally, the article demonstrates issues on preservation of archives damaged by disaster and supports for conservation of such materials from now on.
著者
長島 祐基
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要. アーカイブズ研究篇 = The bulletin of the National Institute of Japanese Literature. 人間文化研究機構国文学研究資料館 編 (ISSN:18802249)
巻号頁・発行日
no.12, pp.75-95, 2016-03

本稿では、1972(昭和47)年から2002(平成14)年まで東京都の社会教育事業として都立多摩社会教育会館(立川市)に設置されていた、市民活動サービスコーナーに関する資料を分析する。その上で、当該資料をアーカイブズとして記述・編成、保存・公開していく方法、意義、諸問題について考察する。市民活動サービスコーナーは社会教育を通じた市民活動の支援や、市民活動資料の収集、保存を行ってきた事業である。この事業の関連資料が紆余曲折を経て現在市民アーカイブ多摩(立川市)を初めとするいくつかの民間の場所で残されており、アーカイブズとして残していく試みが始まっている。この資料は元公文書であること、現保管場所の環境や整理に必要な人員の問題などを考えると、アーカイブズとして残していくことには様々な困難が伴うことが予想される。他方で、一部の試行調査を通じて市民活動サービスコーナーの詳細な活動記録が残っていること、紙資料については既にファイルで綴じてあるものもあり、整理自体は難しくないことが明らかになった。市民活動サービスコーナーの資料は、多摩地域の多様な市民活動が緩やかにつながりながら歩んできたことを示す市民の活動記録であり、市民活動の灯を守ってきた人々の記録でもある。この重要性、将来の研究価値を踏まえるならば、資料の性質等難しい問題を踏まえてもなお、歴史資料として残すことの意義があると考える。This paper researches the records of The Service Corner for Citizen Activities, and examines for archiving them. This service corner had been constituted by Tokyo Metropolis between 1972 and 2002, in the Tokyo Metropolitan Tama Public Institution of Social Education, and had supported civil activities, and collected many records of them. After the abolition of this service corner, its records remain in civil group, "Tama Archives for Citizen Archives", through all one's fortunes, and the attempt to archive them has started.There are many difficulties to do it. These records were vast official documents, not civil group's documents. Moreover, Tama Archives' staffs must order them under poor preservation environment, in too little space to assemble and conserve them. However, through this research, it is revealed that there are detailed records of this service corner, and many records have already been filed by the service corner's staffs. So, it is not difficult to draw up a list.These records show that many civil activities, in Tama area, have gently connected through this service corner and it is worth to study. So, even though they have many problems, these records should be preserved as historical archives.
著者
佐藤 康太
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要. アーカイブズ研究篇 = The bulletin of the National Institute of Japanese Literature. 人間文化研究機構国文学研究資料館 編 (ISSN:18802249)
巻号頁・発行日
no.12, pp.35-56, 2016-03

本稿は、近年新たに「大学史料編纂室」を設置した立正大学を事例に、年史編纂事業から大学アーカイブズへの発展へ向けた動向について考察するものである。まずアーカイブズ設立前史として、これまで立正大学において行われてきた周年記念事業(大学史編纂)に係る組織の変遷と、その過程で収集された大学史資料の保存管理状況や、現在までの伝来経緯をあきらかにする。つづいて、立正大学における「文書保存要領」などの現行規程類を参考に、今後の資料収集計画(レコードマネージメント)について展望を述べるとともに、その実践へ向けた現状の課題を整理する。また、先行研究に拠りつつ、実際に立正大学史料編纂室が所蔵する資料群に対して、適用可能な編成理論について検討をおこない、その有力な選択肢の一つとして「シリーズ・システム」について触れる。最後に、その実践として、現在計画中の「シリーズ・システム」のイメージを参考とした、リレーショナル・データベースによる目録検索システムの導入についても、その概要の一部を紹介する。なお、本事例における大学史資料の来歴検証の結果として浮き彫りとなった、大学組織内におけるアーカイブズの存在意義やその在り方についても、若干の私見を述べる。The purpose of this paper considers Rissho University which established "university archives" newly in recent years about the trend for the university archives establishment in a case.First of all, it's checked about establishment commemoration business of the past and a change in its organization in Rissho University. And I make it clear about management conditions of the university record collected by the process of the university history compilation. Second, future's view for decision of a record collection plan and the practice and problem are described by making reference to a present regulation of "documentary preservation point" etc. in Rissho University. Next when classifying a university record material group of Rissho University, applicable classifying process theory is considered and "series system" is taken up as one of the strong choices. Finally, The part of the outline is also introduced about introduction of the material catalog search system by the relational database which made the image of "series system" reference that it's being planned at present.

1 0 0 0 OA 郷土研究叢書

著者
山形県郷土研究会 編
出版者
山形県郷土研究会
巻号頁・発行日
vol.第6輯, 1936
著者
山田 重郎
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.1, pp.1-18, 1999-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)
被引用文献数
1

The setting-up of royal monuments in the course of royal expeditions is a phenomenon familiar in the history of ancient Mesopotamia. Among the royal records of various Mesopotamian rulers, the inscriptions of Shalmaneser III, king of Assyria (859-824 B. C.), are especially informative on this subject. Over fifty references of this kind in his inscriptions represent twenty historical cases of the erection of one or more monuments. In this paper I shall examine these references and discuss some aspects of the phenomenon.The monument is referred to as the “image (salmu)” of the king in all cases but one, where it is described as a “stela (asumettu).” The term salmu itself can denote three types of object: (1) a three-dimensional royal statue, (2) a free-standing stela bearing a relief of the royal figure, or (3) a relief engraved on a rock face (i. e. a rock relief). Nevertheless, on the basis of archaeological and iconographic evidence, it may be supposed that the monuments, especially those set up in the open, were usually stelae and rock reliefs rather than statues in the round. Some evidence indicates that the text accompanying the royal image was usually a short commemorative inscription, not a long text of the king's standard annals as found on various objects unearthed in Assyrian capitals.The monuments were placed at the most distant points in the course of the campaign, and were designed to perpetuate the king's arrival at the most remote places. The places chosen can be classified into two categories: (1) at conspicuous geographical features with no associated settlements (mountains, sea coast, river source, etc.); (2) in cities, especially in their sacred places (i. e. temples, etc.). Monuments, especially royal images, erected in the second type of place must have represented the Assyrian king as a worshipper in the local sanctuary. He was thus associated by his image with every act of worship performed there, both as the earthly representative of the gods and as a participant in every favour they might grant. Simultaneously, the image must have reminded the local elite of their relationship with the Assyrian overlord when they came to the place in order to take an oath before the gods or for other purposes.
著者
永野 結香 栗山 容子
出版者
一般社団法人 日本発達心理学会
雑誌
発達心理学研究 (ISSN:09159029)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, no.1, pp.83-93, 2016

本研究では歯科治療下における就学前児の不快情動行動,言語的情動調整方略,治療への適合行動の3つの側面から,その発達的特徴を検討することを目的とした。対象児は年少児(3:1~3:9)7名と年長児(5:0~6:5)8名で,う蝕治療の初診時に行動評定とチェックリスト,ICレコーダーの録音記録による参加観察を行った。不快情動行動は治療開始期と終了期の評定値の差から不快情動継続群と沈静群を判定した。また言語的情動調整方略を子どもの発話カテゴリの基礎分析から定義して,情動中心(EC)方略と問題中心(PC)方略を判定した。その結果,年少児群では不快情動が継続したが,年長児群は非表出か沈静化していた。また年少児群はすべてEC方略であり,年長児群ではPC方略であったことから,不快情動の沈静化にPC方略の効果が窺われた。また情動調整行動としての治療への適合行動を,治療者の指示に従う受動的行動と自ら行う主体的行動から検討した結果,受動的,主体的いずれの適合行動数も年長児群のほうが多いが,年長児群であっても主体的行動数が受動的行動数を上回ることはなかった。このことから非日常的な治療場面の自己調整行動は日常的な場面よりも困難である傾向が窺われた。これらの結果は発達的特徴を考慮した患者対応の理論的,実証的根拠になると考えられる。
著者
谷口 やすよ
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.87, no.11, pp.1578-1596, 1675-1674, 1978-11

The aim of this paper is to elucidate the character and function of the Empress in the Han Empire with regard to Imperial succession. The Empress's political character and function was derived from her being the legitimate wife of the Emperor who was at the apex of the ruling structure. It was a Chinese ideal that succession to the throne should be from among those who held the Mandate of Heaven (徳), but were of a different family lineage. In reality, however, a great deal of effort was made to keep succession within the same family line. The descendants of the founder of the dynasty succeeded to the throne by carrying out a number of procedures which transferred the Mandate of Heaven to them. The Empress, though not of the same family line as the Emperor, had the function of transferring the Mandate of Heaven to the Imperial successor in lieu of the Emperor, if the latter died without appointing a successor. There were three instances of this in the Former Han Dynasty and eight in the Latter Han Dynasty. This type of succession arose because the Imperial couple were both regarded as serving the Emperor's Ancestral Shrine (宗廟) and ruling over his Dominions together. Since the Empress worshipped at the Emperor's Ancestral Shrine as his legitimate wife, she also had the role of appointing a successor from the Imperial lineage on behalf of the deceased Emperor. This role of the Emperor's legitimate wife was utilized in the Hsin Revolution (新革命) of the Former Han dynasty. Despite being a name change revolution (易姓革命), the Hsin Revolution was made to appear as if it were a succession within the same family line.
著者
安永 知晃
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.98, no.6, pp.779-805, 2015-11

前漢代は最末期を除いて皇帝との実際の血縁・姻戚関係によって皇后・皇太后の尊卑秩序が構築されていた。文帝や昭帝が生母を皇太后に尊び、哀帝が実の祖母や生母を尊位に即けていたようにである。皇帝の妻・母である皇后・皇太后の地位自体も、皇帝に近いが故に諸侯王国の王后や王太后に比して格上げされ続けた。こうした秩序立ては前漢末には「漢家の制」と回顧され皇帝の至尊性を示すのに一定の効果があったが、皇帝ごとに秩序が構築されるため、非嫡子の皇帝が即位すると生母と先代皇后との尊卑が逆転し政治的対立を生むこともあった。しかし前漢末に皇后の地位が確立し皇太后となるための基本的地位となったことで、実際の血縁関係に左右されることのない、皇帝を中心とした礼制上の関係による秩序が構築されることになった。これにより、秩序の逆転や皇太后と皇帝生母の対立による政治的混乱は回避されるようになる。皇后位の確立は、実際の母子関係に左右されない安定的な皇帝支配体制をもたらしたのである。The Former Han period was that of the establishment of the broad framework of the imperial system, and a body of studies on the Former Han has been compiled, but the structure of the status order of the elite of the Han Empire has not been examined sufficiently. The status order of the elite was both a large-scale framework within the imperial system, but as it was also deeply related to concept of political rule during the period, elucidating it is a necessary step in clarifying the rule of the emperor during the Han period. In this article, I focus on the fact that the institution of the Hanjia (漢家之制: the ruling house of the Han), which entailed favoring the mother of the reigning emperor, is concentrated in historical sources from the last period of the Former Han and the early period of the Latter Han, and aim to elucidate the process of the establishment of imperial rule in the Han period by clarifying the changes in the status of the huanghou (皇后: empress) and huangtaihou (皇太后: empress dowager). In this article, I carefully re-examine the appellations huanghou and huangtaihou and those for the consorts of the emperors, and the fact that I compare the inner courts of the emperors with those of the Feudal Lords is a methodological characteristic of this study. Previous research has employed the actions of the huanghou and huangtaihou as the object of study, yet these were governed not only by these women's individual characters but also frequently limited by political circumstances and are thus not appropriate for an objective diachronic approach. From this point of view, taking the absolute change of appellations in the inner court, and making a comparison of the inner courts of the emperor and those of the Feudal Lords are convenient ways to grasp relative changes during the Han Empire, and effective in marking the changes in the position of the huanghou and huangtaihou. As a result of this consideration, it has become clear that the status of the huanghou and huangtaihou were intimately related to that of the emperor and an impetus for the growth of the system of imperial rule. In the Former Han monarchy the status of the huanghou and huangtaihou continued to be elevated, in contrast to that of wives and mothers of the Feudal Lords, in order to increase reverence for the emperor, and this was ultimately because they were wives or mothers of an emperor. Before the huangtaihou was appeared as appellation of mother of emperor in the historical material, Empress Lu (呂后), the wife of Emperor Gao Zu (高祖), was in particular called huangtaihou by her ministers as she ruled with the heir following her husband's death, and based of this, Emperor Wen Di (文帝), who had risen to the rank of emperor from that of Lord, honored his mother Consort Bo (薄氏) by calling her huangtaihou, which is a representative example of this trend. As Emperor Wen Di was no longer a Feudal Lord but an emperor his mother Consort Bo was not to be addressed as a mother of a Lord (王太后: wangtaihou) and must be called by the appellation fit for the mother of an emperor. Empress Lu and Consort Bo were related to Emperor Gao Zu as wife and concubine, but what was important was the sole fact that they were mothers of emperors. It was necessary to honor Consort Bo with the title huangtaihou as Empress Lu had been. In this manner, this way of ordering the world (called the Hanjia Institution at the close of the Former Han) used actual relationships to an emperor by blood or marriage as the criteria. On the one hand, the status of consorts of the emperor was elevated in relative terms, but the consorts of the Feudal Lords could not use high status appellations, and they received little financial support. In this ordering of the world, the tendency to favor the mother was visible prior to the Han, and it can be located as an undercurrent from the Qin of the Warring States Period. The Hanjia Institution can be understood as demonstrating ultimate reverence for the emperor on the one hand, but as each emperor constructed the order, the reversal of the status order could occur and become a cause of political confrontation. However, the status of the huanghou and huangtaihou was firmly established through the impetus of the strengthening of Wang Mang (王莽)' s power base at the end of the Former Han, and this also led to changes in criteria for ordering the world. While Wang Mang was the nephew of the taihuangtaihou (太皇太后: grand empress dowager), as he lost power in the period of Emperor Ai Di (哀帝) and suffered bitter setbacks, he aimed to enhance the status of the huanghou, which was the fundamental position of the taihuangtaihou, in order to harden his political base. As a result, the status of the huanghou became recognized as the fundamental position for becoming huangtaihou, and a consort would never again become huangtaihou in place of the huanghou. This was a shift from ordering the world based on actual blood relationships to the emperor to one of ordering the world based on relations in a ritual system based on the medium of parent-child relations of a ritual system born out of the imperial succession. Thus, there would be no reversal in the status order, and political turmoil caused by confrontation between the huangtaihou and the mother of the emperor was avoided. The establishment of the status of the huanghou brought about a stable system of imperial rule that was not swayed by actual blood relations.
著者
水田 洋 MIZUTA Hiroshi
出版者
名古屋大学附属図書館研究開発室
雑誌
名古屋大学附属図書館研究年報 (ISSN:1348687X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, pp.45-59, 2011-03-31 (Released:2011-04-18)

I was born in 1919 and grown up in a middle class area of Tokyo. The city was temporarily rather prosperous as a byproduct of WWI (1914-1918). The Factory Law was promulgated in 1916 in spite of the obstinate opposition of business and industry interests. In 1925 the Universal Suffrage Act was enacted as a result of the nationwide movement. But it was immediately followed by the Maintenance of Public Order Act which menaced by death penalty all the attempt to change the imperial regime and private ownership. Needless to say this was a legal reflection of the ruling classes' scare caused by the Socialist revolution in Russia. Marxist thought penetrated among students so widely that it was said clever students would become Marxists. The government strengthened the control in education so as to make students' reading circles the target of police arrest. The present writer was among them, clever or not. Towards the end of December 1941, I was driven out from the final course of the university by the break out of the Pacific War. In December 1942 I was on board for the military occupied Jawa as a civilian research worker attached to the army. The three books I took with me were Leviathan of Thomas Hobbes in the Everyman's Library, Farewell to Arms of Ernest Hemingway in the Penguin Books, and a volume of Japanese poetry of Mokichi Saito. On my arrival at Singapore I was astonished to find nicely supplied bookshops on the very place where the battle was deadly fought less than a year ago. There I bought Studies in Medieval Thought of G. G. Coulton and an introduction to the Russian grammar in English. I had no mind of hoping Japan's victory. While I have been working in Jawa for nearly three years, I learned how books were collected and used in the West, even in a colonial island. In the library of the Higher Law School of Jawa I found Franz Borkenau's Von feudalen zum bürgerlichen Weltbild which I had been looking for. I was lucky enough to make a TS copy of it to bring with me home from POW camp. In December 1949 I was appointed an associate professor of Nagoya University in charge of the history of economic thought. Before I begun to give a first course of lectures I had to face with a fatal problem of the poverty of the library holdings. It was not simply a result of Japan's isolation during the war but also was resulted from the very character of the former Imperial University of Nagoya which totally lacks faculties of humanities and social sciences. Since then it has been my official duty and private interest to collect the books of certain importance published from the time of Gutenberg to the ends of the Pacific War.
著者
國安 洋
出版者
美学会
雑誌
美学 (ISSN:05200962)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, no.3, pp.10-22, 1976

Oft fuhrt man als Merkmale der Wiener klassischen Musik Kontraste, Affektwechsel, Homophonie, Symmetrie, Periode, Liedtypus, obligates Akkompagnement, Sonatenform, motivische Arbeit und Gruppenbildung an. Aber sind solche Merkmale nicht die wesentlichen, die die Wiener Klassikern von den Vorklassikern und von den Romantikern trennen. Die Klassiker schaffen die neue geistige Wirklichkeit, die als das Erfassen des spezifisch menschlichen Handelns verstanden werden soll. Und Th. Georgiades bestimmt diese neue Haltung der Wiener Klassik als die Theater-Struktur im Gegensatz zu Epos-Struktur (Bach) und zu Lyrik-Struktur (Schubert). 1. Theater-Struktur. Sie weist als die Struktur des Hier-und-Jetzt und des mensch-lichen Gegenuber das wesenhafte Merkmal des Korperhaften auf. Und "Erst und allein die Wiener klassische Musik macht den dem musikalischen Phanomen latent innewohnenden Sinn des Korperhaften nun auch als Struktur ausdrucklich und weist eine spezifische Struktur-Analogie zum freien menschlichen Handeln auf." Und diese Theater-Struktur verkorpert sich am hochstens in der Musik Mozarts, besonders im Theater Mozarts als einem genuin-musikalischen Theater. 2. Diskontinuitat. Satztechnisches Merkmal dieser Theater-Haltung ist die Diskontinuitat, das Prinzip der selbstandigen Glieder, also der Zusammenstellung des Satzes aus kleinen selbststandigen Impulsen. 3. Der neue, gelauterte Taktbegriff. Jedes Glied des Satzes ist, als ein fester Korper, in sich kompakt, fur sich hermetisch geschlossen, den anderen heterogen. Doch das Ganze ist eine Einheit. Und das, was die Einheit gewahrleistet ist der neue, gelauterte Taktbegriff. 4. Einheit. Sie ist nicht die im objektiv-musikalischen Werke vorgefundene Ordnung, sondern besteht erst beim auffassenden Ich, kann nur im vom Gegenstand abstrahierten Geist hergestellt werden.