著者
鈴木 楠緒子
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.112, no.1, pp.75-98, 2003-01-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

The Prussian government sent a mission to East Asia between 1860 and 1862 headed by Prussian Count Eulenburg, for the purpose of establishing diplomatic relations with Japan, CHina (Qing Dynasty) and Siam (Thaialnd).This Eulenburg Mission (the Prussian Expedition to East Asia) is known as the originator of the German view of East Asia, and was the first diplomatic move that Prussia made on behalf of "Germany",expect for Austria.The present article reconsiders the historical meaning of the Mission in the context of history of German unification, since it has been interpreted merely within the framework of the history of the two parties : Germany, on one hand and each of the East Asian states, on the other.The author attempts to clarify the hopes and the responses to this event among Prussian liberals who took the lead in discussing german Unification at that time, based on Koelnische Zeitung and the official records of Prussian parliamentary proceedings.She makes clear that the experiences of the Mission contributed very much to deepeng the discussion about the future of "Germany" among them.They highly estimated the meaning that this event could have in "German" national politics as the first foreign policy based on the Lesser German prnciple.However, by establishing diplomatic relations with the three East Asian states, they recognized that as long as they maintained existing "German"institutions, the human rights of "Germans" might be violated in such area as East Asia, where the principle of personalism was being applied to Europeans and Americans.Thereafter, the German Question came to be discussed in consideration of overseas "Germans" and related laws began to be passed.Although it was eventually the militry conquest of "Germany" by Bismarck that quickly solved such problems, the encounter between the Mission and East Asia also played an important role in the development of the German unification problem, this way.
著者
竹渕瑛一 山田泰弘 鈴木浩 服部哲 速水治夫
雑誌
第75回全国大会講演論文集
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2013, no.1, pp.381-382, 2013-03-06

昨今,いくつかのWebAPIを組み合わせることで新たなWebサービスを立ち上げるマッシュアップの事例が増えている. 提供されるWebAPIの多くは,特定のURLに対しリクエストを発行することによって,リクエストに応じたデータを得られる方式を採用している.取得時の処理はサーバサイドで行われている. 本研究ではWebAPIをクライアントサイドで動作させる方式の検討と評価を行った.試作システムとしてPixivを対象に提案方式によるWebAPIを実装した.従来方式ではWebAPIをサーバサイドで動作させるが,提案方式ではクライアントサイドにWebAPIを設置し,逐次サーバサイドのWebページにアクセスすることでデータを取得する.
著者
只石 朋仁 鈴木 英樹
出版者
日本理学療法士学会
雑誌
理学療法学 (ISSN:02893770)
巻号頁・発行日
pp.11628, (Released:2019-09-30)
参考文献数
46
被引用文献数
1

【目的】高齢在宅パーキンソン病(以下,PD)患者45 名を対象に,生活空間の評価と関連する因子を検証した。【方法】評価項目はLSA,MDS-UPDRS part Ⅲ,転倒予防自己効力感尺度(以下,FPSE),10 m 歩行テスト,Timed up & go test とした。MDS-UPDRS part Ⅲの下位項目を振戦,固縮,無動,軸症状にそれぞれ割りあてた。LSA と各項目の関連性をスピアマンの相関係数で検討し,LSA を従属変数とする階層的重回帰分析を行った。【結果】LSA に関連したのはFPSE(β = 0.39, p < 0.01)と軸症状(β = –0.54, p < 0.01)であり,自由度調整済み決定係数は0.66 であった。【結論】軽症から中等症のPD 患者において生活空間の狭小化にはFPSE と軸症状が関係していた。PD 患者の活動支援には軸症状に対する理学療法と,運動能力に見合った自己効力感を保つための心理的支援が必要と考える。
著者
長田 純一 鈴木 恵二 松原 仁
出版者
ヒューマンインタフェース学会
雑誌
ヒューマンインタフェース学会論文誌 (ISSN:13447262)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.22, no.4, pp.391-402, 2020-11-25 (Released:2020-11-25)
参考文献数
24

This paper presents the UX process "Three step Sustainable-model" for social robots to be sustainable in society. “Sustainable social robots” means that the social robots have roles in the society and the resources to play the roles for the social robots are kept in the society. The UX process is the process for human experiences of interaction with social robots. For social robots to get positions in society, they need not only functions and performances but also well grand-designed social environments. To investigate the method of grand design, in the paper three fieldworks using social robots have analyzed. As a result, "Three step Sustanable-Model" is proposed. This model is a hypothesis at present, but useful for social robots to be sustainable in society.
著者
鈴木 康之 森山 聡之 杉本 等
出版者
静岡大学
雑誌
基盤研究(C)
巻号頁・発行日
2018-04-01

1)「携帯端末の高度情報取得」を司るシステムの検討:高度測定の要素技術としてRTK測位に着目し、この手法を援用しシステム化を行い評価することを目指している。具体的には、申請者の所属する機関に過年度設置され観測データが無償公開されたRTK基準局との間で、当該サーバに新たに本研究の経費で電波の送信設備を設け(管理者から内諾取得済み)無線通信を行いながら補正情報をスマホに取り組む方法の、高効率化を含む必要な計測を行う。対象地域が広範なため、加えて小セル方式のWiFiは実用性に乏しいため、WiFi以外に電波法上取り扱いの支障が少ない「デジタル簡易無線(H30年度までに措置済み、フィージビリティの確認済み)」「LoRaWAN等のデジタル系特定小電力無線(H31措置予定)」を利用し、どちらの方式が優位か比較検討する。2)端末とサーバ間インターフェースを司る基本構成の検討:端末の取得データを各種データベースと紐づくサーバに集積するソフトを設計し実装する、現在骨格部分の設計が完了しており、最大の関門を通過した。前項のRTK基地局からの補正データを受信すると同時あるいは逐次に端末の測位データを危険度マップ生成サーバに向け送受信する機構を構築する必要があり、送受の切り替えタイミングや周波数相互間干渉の有無について、パラメータを大きく振った網羅的な試験研究と最適化検討を引き続き行っている。3)単体での運用によるフィージビリティの確認:今後、優先順位づけの基本となる「勝率データ」の蓄積の有効性について検討する予定である。端末1台を試作し100か所の「出発地点」と20種類の「水害到来シナリオ」を設定し高度測定・結果判定・サーバへの蓄積の状況を確認する準備が整った。4)その他:測位航法学会・日本災害情報学会・地理情報システム学会等において情報交換を行う。H30年度は日本災害情報学会で発表した。
著者
鈴木 成一郎
出版者
公益社団法人 精密工学会
雑誌
精密工学会誌 (ISSN:09120289)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.5, pp.679-683, 1998-05-05 (Released:2009-06-30)
参考文献数
16
著者
根本 剛志 河村 隆 鈴木 智 飯塚 浩二郎 奥田 一郎
出版者
一般社団法人 日本機械学会
雑誌
「運動と振動の制御」シンポジウム講演論文集
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2011, pp.264-267, 2011

In this paper, we present prototype robot to replicate features of dragonfly flight. We have observed and revealed characteristics of dragonfly flight in lifting, cruising, and hovering. With flapping fore and hind wings out of phase, we have achieved sustained flight with our dragonfly prototype. We present overview of observation, flapping mechanism, experimental setups, and experimental results.
著者
福島 秀晃 三浦 雄一郎 森原 徹(MD) 鈴木 俊明
出版者
社団法人 日本理学療法士協会近畿ブロック
雑誌
近畿理学療法学術大会 第51回近畿理学療法学術大会
巻号頁・発行日
pp.88, 2011 (Released:2011-10-12)

【はじめに】前鋸筋は上位8~10肋骨から起始し、肩甲骨に付着する筋で上部、中部、下部線維に区分される。肩甲上腕リズムの観点からも肩甲骨運動に重要な筋であり、肩甲骨と胸郭との安定性にも関与している。上肢挙上時の肩甲骨運動と前鋸筋の機能に関する研究は多数あるが、前鋸筋の下部線維を対象としたものが多く、前鋸筋中部線維(以下、中部線維)に関する報告は少ない。本研究目的は肩関節屈曲、外転運動での中部線維の機能を筋電図学的に検証することである。 【対象と方法】 対象は事前に研究の趣旨を説明し、同意を得ることができた健常男性8名(平均年齢28.8±5.4歳、平均身長177.6±6.8_cm_、平均体重72.3±9.7_kg_)の右上肢とした。筋電計はmyosysytem1200(Noraxon社製)を用いた。中部線維の電極貼付位置はRichardら(2004)の方法に準じ広背筋と大胸筋の間で第3肋骨レベルに貼付した。運動課題は端坐位での上肢下垂位から肩関節屈曲と外転方向に30°毎挙上し120°まで各角度5秒間保持し、これを3回施行した。分析方法は3回の平均値を個人データとし上肢下垂位の筋電図積分値を基準に運動方向ごとに各角度での筋電図積分値相対値(以下、相対値)を算出した。次に_丸1_各運動方向における角度間での分散分析(tukeyの多重比較)、_丸2_角度ごとでの屈曲と外転間での対応のあるt検定にて比較した。 【結果】 中部線維の相対値は屈曲、外転方向ともに角度増加に伴い漸増傾向を示した。_丸1_屈曲では30°と比較して90°および120°において有意に増加した(p<0.01)。外転では30°と比較して120°において有意に増加した(p<0.05)。_丸2_各角度において屈曲と外転間での相対値には有意差は認められなかった。 【考察】 中部線維は第2,3肋骨から起始し、肩甲骨内側縁に付着し肩甲骨の外転作用を有する。肩関節屈曲、外転運動における肩甲骨運動について我々は座標移動分析法(2008)を用いて検討したところ肩甲棘内側端は屈曲では120°まで外側方向に外転では90°まで内側方向へ90°以降外側方向へ移動することを報告した。このことから肩関節屈曲における中部線維の機能は肩甲骨の外転運動に関与したと考えられる。一方、肩関節外転では肩甲棘内側端は内側方向へ移動することから中部線維の肩甲骨外転作用に対して肩甲骨運動は拮抗している状態である。しかし、中部線維の相対値は肩関節屈曲と有意差を認めなかったことから肩関節外転における中部線維の筋活動は肩甲骨運動に関与するのではなく、肩甲骨と胸郭との安定性に関与したと考えられた。また、肩関節外転120°で有意に相対値が増加したことは肩甲棘内側端が内側から外側方向へ移動が転換される角度であり、中部線維は肩甲胸郭関節の安定から肩甲骨運動に機能転換されることが示唆された。
著者
大舘 淳 岩原 光男 鈴木 芳 長松 昭男
出版者
一般社団法人 日本機械学会
雑誌
日本機械学会論文集 C編 (ISSN:03875024)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.72, no.718, pp.1751-1758, 2006-06-25 (Released:2011-03-04)
参考文献数
12

Recently, solving vibration problems in the prediction step is strongly required to shorten the development time. The purpose of this research is to clarify and improve vibration characteristics of products such as sporting goods by experiment and calculation. A familiar tennis racket was chosen and its vibration characteristics were investigated by actual impact test and experimental modal analysis. It was clarified that the largest vibration was generated at the first mode. Structural optimization of the simplified plate could diminish the peak by shifting the node of the mode to the excitation response point. Design variables were the masses given to the circumference or the thickness of elements.
著者
吉沢 淑 鈴木 大介 進藤 斉 角田 潔和 小泉 武夫
出版者
公益財団法人 日本醸造協会
雑誌
日本醸造協会誌 (ISSN:09147314)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.92, no.3, pp.217-223, 1997-03-15 (Released:2011-09-20)
参考文献数
5
被引用文献数
3 3

(1) 清酒の主要な香気成分とその類縁物質をモデル清酒に添加し, その酒質への影響をプロファイル法を用いた官能評価により調べた。(2) モデル清酒のアルコール分が高いと, 添加香気物質の香りへのマスキング効果が大きくなった。(3) 酢酸イソアミル, カプロン酸エチルなどのエステルや高級アルコール, ソトロンなど多くの物質がモデル清酒の上立香や含み香を増強させ, 果実様香, エステル様香, 老酒・シェリー様香, 焦臭などを付与, 増加させた。一方, パルミチン酸エチルは上立香を低下させた。(4) これらの物質の多くはモデル清酒の味を変化させた。中でも酢酸イソアミルは甘味を, 酢酸フェネチルは酸味を顕著に増強した。(5) 顕著な効果を示した物質を2種類組み合わせて混合添加した試料の香味は複雑な変化を示した。
著者
鈴木 絢女
出版者
一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2016, no.185, pp.185_66-185_81, 2016-10-25 (Released:2016-11-22)
参考文献数
30

Malaysia used to be categorized as one of the “High Performing Asian Economies” for its track record of high economic growth and macro-economic stability, among others. However, recent debates on the Malaysian economy point to slowing growth, being caught in a middle-income trap, persisting income inequality, budget deficit, and increasing government debt after the Asian Financial Crisis. To overcome these problems, the Malaysian government launched an economic-fiscal-distributive reform package called the New Economic Model (NEM) in 2010. However, the implementation of the NEM has been faced with a series of compromises and deadlocks. This is surprising given the prior characterization of Malaysia as a “strong state.”This paper aims to reveal the weakness of the state of Malaysia by shedding light on the persisting budget deficit. Based on federal budget documents, the paper argues that the expanding public expenditure is attributed to the increase in the following: (i) redistributive programs, such as subsidy for gas and oil and cash transfers to the lower-income group as a means to earn electoral support; and (ii) particularistic distributive programs that are often allocated by the Prime Minister, benefit Bumiputera businesses and cronies of the dominant governing party, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), and consolidate the intra-party power basis. In addition, the Government’s failure to strengthen the revenue base given the fear of losing votes can be regarded as another driver of the persisting fiscal deficit.In spite of the NEM’s target of a balanced budget by 2020, the Malaysian government has been failing to implement fiscal reforms. The paper argues that this is a result of the lack of autonomy of the Prime Minister vis-a-vis the voters and the intra-party constituency. Malaysia’s leadership has been increasingly sensitive to the demands of its broad and internal constituents owing to increasing electoral competition since the Asian Financial Crisis, glaringly manifested in the 1999, 2008 and the 2013 General Elections. Such a weak state is a historical by-product of a strong state in the 1990s that marginalized intra-UMNO opposition and laborers in order to implement development policies, and eventually brought about a face-off between the governing party that keeps cohesion through distribution of rents, on one hand, and opposition that expanded its support by exploiting the issues of lack of transparency, freedom and equality, on the other.To regain fiscal balance, the Malaysian government is faced with a dilemma. Decreasing budgetary allocation for the lower income group or the intra-UMNO interests will further weaken the government. Likewise, tax raise will turn away voters who are skeptical about the way their money is used. While the promise of fiscal accountability may persuade some of the skeptical taxpayers, vested interest groups would continue to resist such moves.
著者
鈴木 陽一
出版者
JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2001, no.126, pp.132-149,L16, 2001-02-23 (Released:2010-09-01)
参考文献数
62

The aim of this article is to rethink why the twin nation of Malaysia and Singapore, emerged. Malaysia is a nation that the Malay-Muslims dominate, Singapore is a nation the Chinese make its core part, but both have strong transnational linkages in Maritime Southeast Asia and the global economy. This article reviews the emergence, focusing on transformation of collaborative relationship between the British government, the Federal government (Malaya, later Malaysia) and Singapore government, which made the formal and the informal British Empire in Southeast Asia.Malaysia and Singapore emerged at the end of Empire. What moved the Metropole and the local collaborators to make Greater Malaysia —Malaysia including Singapore— was an impulse to restructure the British Empire. Against communism in Southeast Asia, they tried to build a new united nation, which would become a new imperial collaborator. However the attempt to embed the conventional collaborator in a new federation led to conflicts among them. The Federal government and the Singapore government both had similar industrialization plans which competed with each other. However, Britain paid little attention to the old collaborators such as Singaporean, because they put more importance in the stability of a new junior partner. Therefore, Singaporean could do nothing but leave the Federation, and without the non-Muslim Singaporeans, Malaysia became more and more Malay-Muslim- oriented. The old Empire fell and a new order emerged. After the failure of Greater Malaysia, the British lost their will and power to maintain their Empire. The new rising power, the United States, did not make an empire, unlike the former imperial powers. She encouraged an anti-communism regionalism, and tried to organize people into a global economy. The Southeast Asians accepted the new power and became local collaborators of the imperialism without empireNationalism played little role in the formation of two nations. Rather, the Federal government and Singapore government worked for their preservation of imperial privileges as imperial collaborators. They worked for the colonial grand design for the reorganization of Empire. Singapore left the Federation to defend its economic autonomy rather than their multiethnic policy. The divided Southeast Asians decided to live as different nations in the new order supported by the new power, to utilize regionalism and globalism.Decolonization saw its peak in 1960s. In many cases, empires advanced to decolonize with collaboration between the metroples and the local collaborators. Therefore, it was not necessarily accompanied by nation-building. The collaborators conflicted with each other. Irresponsible imperialists renounced their burden, and invented a situation of so-called quasi-states. those left engaged in nation-building and globalization, which sometimes contradict.
著者
木田 圭亮 土井 駿一 鈴木 規雄
出版者
医学書院
巻号頁・発行日
pp.54-57, 2021-01-10

Question 1心不全に高カリウム血症の合併が多いのはどうしてですか?
著者
鈴木 董
出版者
JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1983, no.73, pp.44-63,L9, 1983-05-25 (Released:2010-09-01)
参考文献数
69

I.The Cyprus problem was one of the important international conflicts in the Middle East in the 1960s and 1970s. It was essentially an ethnic conflict between the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots, which developed into an international conflict. It was one of the fierce outbreaks of ethnic conflicts which are characteristic of the contemporary Middle East.II.In the modern age, the Western impact destroyed the traditional world system implying a self-sufficient Middle Eastern Islamic World and in the following process of “modernization”, the nature of its basic political units, the structure of identity and the style of co-existence among the ethnic groups, changed greatly.Before the coming of the Western impact, the Middle East was one of the relatively self-sufficient traditional world systems. In the Middle Eastern Islamic World, the idea of the unity of the Islamic World prevailed. There were, in fact, political units called “dawla.” Notwithstanding, the identity of the Middle Eastern peoples who belonged to dawlas was not based on ascription to political units but on religion.The various ethnic groups, which were the components of the mosaic-like societies in the Middle East, formed communities according to religions. And there existed a traditional style of co-existence among them. This traditional style of co-existence in the Middle Eastern Islamic world was not based on the principle of the equality of each ethnic group, but on the principle of the supremacy of the Muslims over the non-Muslims.Non-Muslims were thus second class citizens in Islamic political society. Notwithstanding, considering the limited range of political participation and the structure of the identity of the people of the time, the traditional Middle Eastern style of co-existence, which was institutionalized as a “dhimmi” institution in the classical period and completed in the form of a “millet” institution in the Ottoman Empire, functioned rather well in the complicated mosaic-like societies of the Middle East. Only under the influence of modern nationalism did it begin to dissolve and ethnic conflicts begin to surface. The Cyprus problem is one of these ethnic conflicts of the modern Midddle East.III.Because of its strategic position, Cyprus was occupied by one nation after another. The ethnic composition of Cypriot society also became complicated. When the Ottomans conquered Cyprus in 1571, the largest ethnic group was the Greeks together with some other minor ethnic groups. After the Ottoman conquest, the Turkish soldiers and peasants emmigrated and became at least the second large ethnic group. The millet system, the Ottoman form of the traditional Middle Eastern style of co-existence, was applied to these ethnic groups. The millet system functioned and the fierce outbreak of ethnic conflicts were rarely seen.The beginning of ethnic conflicts came with the impact of the West. Especially, the rise of nationalism and the independence of Greece affected the situation in Cyprus. And the idea of enosis, namely the reunion of Cyprus with Greece, emerged in Greece. Greek nationalism gradually penetrated Cyprus. Because of the rise of the nationalism of non-Muslim subjects, there was an attempt to reform the principle of inequality between Muslims and non-Muslims. In this period, the traditional style of co-existence of ethnic groups was also changing. However, the relationship of co-existence among ethnic groups continued.IV.At the end of this period, in 1878, Cyprus came under British rule. Under British rule, the nationalism of the Greek ethnic group and the Turkish ethnic group developed. The separated educational system of each ethnic group under British rule contributed much to this development. The development of the nationalism of the Greek Cypriots oriented to enosis was especially outstanding. Because of
著者
鈴木 董
出版者
JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1987, no.86, pp.39-53,L7, 1987-10-24 (Released:2010-09-01)
参考文献数
37

Recently, in Asian and African societies, ethnic conflicts have begun to become more serious. In the Western societies, the ethnic resurgence has been going on. The ethnicity problem has become one of the most crucial issues in the research field of international politics.The ethnicity problem was regarded mostly as a transitional problem in the process of nation-state building and exected to be solved at the end of that process. However, in many cases, the ethnicity problems became more serious actually as the process of nation-state building was going on.The ethnicity problem is the problem of integration and co-existence of ethnic groups. Here, in order to reconsider the ethnic problem, we'll try to analyze the historical and cultural backgrounds of the system of co-existence and integration of ethnic groups and its dissolution, using the case of the Middle East, especially that of the Ottoman Empire and her successor states.The Ottoman society was a typical example of the Middle Eastern societies, which were composed of various ethnic groups. There existed a unique system of integration and co-existence.In the Ottoman society, the identity of the members of the society was mainly based on religion. National or racial consciousness was a secondery factor. Various ethnic groups were grouped according to their religions. The Ottoman system of integration and co-existence was essentially the system of integration and coexistence among religious groups, not national or racial groups.There were two essential categories of group, Muslims and Non-Muslims. Non-Muslims were categoried in several sub-groups. Each group co-existed each other with each own duties and pribiledges. This traditional system of integration and co-existence was not based on the principle of equality, but on that of inequality. Muslims were the essential citizens of the political community. Non-Muslism were the secondery citizens who were merely tolerated to exist. Nonetheless this system functioned rather well during the period when the traditional type of political apathy prevailed in the society.This situation began to change under the influence of the West in the late eighteenth century. At first, Non-Muslim peoples in Balkan began to be politically active under the Western influence. They began to try to build their own “nation-state” of ethnically homogenious composition, instead of seeking for equality in a multinational empire. The Ottomans attempted to transform an Islamic empire into a multinational empire in Western type during the nineteenth century. However this attempt failed. Then Muslims themselves fell under the influence of the Western nationalism from the late nineteenth century. Turkish nationalism, Arab nationalism, and so on began to evolve. After the dissolution of the Ottoman empire, there emerged “nation-states” of Muslim peoples. The traditional system of integration and co-existence totally collusped. The ideal of a nation-state which was ethnically homogenious prevailed.However the ethnic compositions of these societies remained heterogenious. Moreover each ethnic group began to evolve their own nationalism. The new style of integration and co-existence of ethnic groups with new orientation has not yet been established. This situation is one of the important factors in the violent outbursts of the ethnic conflicts in the area.